RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 음성지원유무
        • 원문제공처
          펼치기
        • 등재정보
          펼치기
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
          펼치기
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • 1940년대 한반도의 국제관계와 분단

        구대열 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1992 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.61 No.2

        This is a study on Korean foreign relations in the 1940s with special emphasis on the division of the country after the liberation from the Japanese colonial rule. As far as Korea was concerned, this period provided a great opportunity for her to free herself from the yoke of an alien rule, as Great Powers in the world politics were directly engaged in World War Ⅱ for which the East Asia and the pacific became part of the major theaters. As a result of Japans defeat in the war, Korea obtained her national liberation, and eventually became independent, with two separated regimes in the south and the north. Of course, the division of the Korean peninsula was the direct result of the post-war policy of Allied Powers, especially the United States and the Soviet Union. This paper starts with the question of whether the division was due to the wrongly-conceived policy of the United States which was the driving force behind the contrivance of the so-called trusteeship over Korea(which is considered to have ultimately led to the division) or whether it could be justified with various reasons, taking for instances, as simple reflection of the existing balance of power among the Major Powers in the area after the war, as adherence to the tradition of US policy in East Asia, and as conformation of the view on Korea held by the powers for the past several decades. Tentative conclusions of this paper are as follows: First, although the United States bore the major burden in defeating Japan, she hardly became the sole heir in inheriting the whole estate of the dismantled empire of Japan for the strategic importance of the Korean peninsula made the neighboring Powers, especially China and the Soviet Union, to consider Korea to be vital to their national security. Moreover, the United States, a maritime power, has traditionally pursued a sort of balance of power policy in East Asia, a fact which implies that, although she had emerged as the most powerful nation in the post-war era, she was not willing to fully commit herself to the affairs in the area. The United States was also worried about the Soviet capability to mobilize and to equip Korean Communists in Siberia and about their connection with the sympathizers inside the peninsula, which were far greater than Korean nationalists in China, namely the Korean Provisional government in Chungking. In this connection, the paper argues that the Kuomintang China must share a great part of, if not direct, onus for the division of Korea. It has been generally known that Chiang Kai-shek had supported the independence of Korea in the Cairo declaration (1943) and had helped the Korean nationalists in China on their efforts to fight the Japanese. This fact cannot be disputed. However, Chin was more concerned about reasserting herself in Korea after the war, where she it had traditionally claimed suzerainty. For this reason, China did not envisage Korea becoming indepentent immediately after its liberation from Japan. Taking advantage of her position to provide the United States and Birtain with information about Korea and especially about Korean independence movement in China (which was an important factor in considering what kinds of independence-immediate, dominion status, or trusteeship to bestow in Korea), China gave Allied Powers somewhat unfair information, thus leading them to consider the Korean affairs through the Chinese looking-glass. Some aspects of trusteeship were that it was a modified from of domination in the history of Western colonialism, and that it was closely related to the perception of the Powers on Korean affairs since the opening of the country in the latter part of the last century. The experiences of the Western Powers in Korea were, in short, unpleasant-corruption and maladministration of the government, uninterrupted social disturbances, rivalries and conflicts of Foreign Powers over the peninsula. All these facts testified to their eyes the incompetence of the Korean people to stand alone, while reform polices which the Japanese upheld for their encroachment into Korea greatly impressed the Westerners. This kind of perception on the part of the Western Powers had not changed much during the Japanese colonial period. Thus, when Koreans were thinking of celebration for liberation and independence, the Powers were speedily agreeing on the principle of trusteeship which implied postponement of independence for the time being.

      • 大韓帝國時代의 국제관계

        구대열 梨花女子大學校 韓國文化硏究院 1985 主題硏究 Vol.8 No.-

        This paper is designd to explore some elements which can explain the international relations of the Korean empire (1896∼1905). Noting that the diplomatic history of the late Yi dynasty of Korea has been hitherto described in the light of either bilateral relations between Korea and major powers, or rivalries over the Korean peninsula among the powers concerned, this paper tries first to briefly follow policies of the major powers-namely Japan, Russia, Britain and the United States-towards Korea. The conclusion is that as far as foreign relations were concerned Korea virtually lost her independence and was at the mercy of the policies of foreign powers since the termination of the Sino-Japanese war in 1895. Moreover, Britain and the United States began to define their interest in Korea as non-political; and therefore the fate of Korea was heavily dependent upon the rivalry of Japan and Russia over the peninsula. The second part of this paper tries to discover the perception of the Korean government about her international environment. There existed various channels by which policies of the powers towards Korea were communicated to Seoul government; and in this respect the Koreans could correctly understand the implications of these policies for her future. But the response of the Korean government was short-sighted. The Koreans either ignored the potential threats to the independence of their country or simply looked for another power which could play a role to maintain the balance of power in the peninsula vis-a`-vis the allegedly expansionist power. The last part of the paper discusses the neutralization of Korea. In theory, this scheme could best guarantee, if accepted by the powers, the independence of Korea. But it failed largely due to the incapability of the Korean government to pursue the plan on a long-term basis. Besides, the United States and Britain dissociated themselves from Korea, refraining from committing themselves to Korea politically. Moreover, this scheme was invariably connected with Russian designs on other parts of the far east. When Russia was actively involved in Manchuria, she presented the neutralization of Korea, only attracting the suspicion of the powers. Thus the neutralization plan eventually failed and Korea became the protectorate of Japan when Japan excluded Russia by war from the Korean scene in 1905.

      • KCI등재

        실업계 고등학생의 직업기초능력 향상을 위한 문제중심학습(PBL)의 효과

        박동열,이성덕,김종오,조경희,강경심,박윤희,김대영 한국농업교육학회 2006 농업교육과 인적자원개발 Vol.38 No.4

        21세기 지식기반사회는 전문지식뿐만 아니라 효율적인 직무 수행에 필요한 의사소통능력, 문제해결능력, 자기관리능력 및 직업의식 등의 직업기초능력이 강조되고 있다. 직업기초능력은 생의 어느 한 시기에 갑자기 이루어지거나 완성되는 l회적인 것이 아니라 개인의 생애단계에 따라 변화하고 발달하는 것이며 취업자뿐만 아니라 진학자에게도 잠재적으로 매우 중요한 요소이므로 실업계 고등학생의 직업기초능력 향상은 중요한 현안이라 할 수 있다. 이 연구는 여러 교수학습유형 중 실업계 고등학생의 직업기초능력 향상에 타당하리라 사료되는 문제 중심학습 모형(Problem-based learning model)을 선정, 이에 기초한 전문교과 수업을 실시하여 실업계 고등학생의 직업기초능력 향상에 기여할 수 있는지 실증적으로 분석하고자 하였다. 연구 목적 달성을 위해 「대학생의 직업기초능력 유형 검사도구(박동열, 2005)」를 실업계 고등학교 전문가 협의회를 통해 수정ㆍ보완, 이를 활용하여 실업계 고등학생의 직업기초능력을 파악하고, 문제중심학습 모형에 따른 실제 전문교과 수업을 통한 실업계 고등학생의 직업기초능력 향상 정도를 알아보기 위하여 농업계열, 공업계열, 상업계열, 가사ㆍ실업계열 4명의 현직 교사가 문제중심학습 수업 매뉴얼에 따라 실제 수업에 적용 하고 그 결과를 분석하였다. 연구 결과 문제중심학습 모형이 실업계 고등학생의 수업만족도에 긍정적인 영향을 끼쳤으며, 문제중심학습 모형에 따른 전문교과 수업을 통해 실업계 고등학생의 모든 영역의 직업기초능력(문제해결 및 발표 능력, 기술활용능력, 자원활용능력, 수리능력, 조직이해능력, 대인관계능력, 자기관리능력)이 향상되었음을 실증적으로 알 수 있었다. The purpose of this research was to analyze the fitness of problem-based learning(PBL) for improving the core competencies of vocational high school students. This study examined the core competencies of vocational high school students by using the advised BARS test for vocational high school. And in order to examine the effectiveness of the courses based on PBL, 4 teachers had taught the designed courses by PBL method during the regular class in vocational high school : agricultural; technical; commercial, home economic high schools. The major findings in this study were as follows: 1) The courses based on PBL had an positive effect on the class satisfaction of vocational High school students. 2) We found out that the courses based on PBL have a positive effect on improving vocational key competencies of Vocational High school students.

      • 北韓·中共의 宗敎 政策

        구대열 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1983 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.43 No.-

        This study on Communist policy towards religion in north Korea and china stars with some basic assumptions: First, both were newly-born underdeveloped countries, whose national aim was, among other things, social and political integration. This implies that religion was one of the important subjects which the regime should tackle at the early stage of their governments. Secondly, though these two Communist countries were hostile to religion as prescribed in Marxism-Leninism and, moreover, their political processes under the Communist regimes have been very similar in the past thirty years, their practical policies towards religion differed for various reasons, namely, the political experiences of the Chinese and Korean Communists during the days before their taking power, and the political, social and cultural settings then prevailing in China and Korea. This means that, on the one hand, it they perceived 'the problems of religion' in different perspectives and on the other hand, accordingly, they took different paths in the implementation of religious policies. The Chinese Communist who came to power after a long and protracted struggle over thirty years, seemed to have some understanding of the deep-rooted nature of religion in their people's life; and viewed religion as being gradually disappeared in proportion to material progress in the living standard of the people. They endeavored, therefore, to modify or reinterprete the tenets of several religions, particularly those of Buddhism, so that they could serve the new live under the Communist regime. Of course, religion has become one of the target of persecution in China, especially at the times when her political climate moved in the radical direction. However, what the Chinese Communists have more concerned was direct and indirect foreign influences on Chinese religious organizations for instance, Vatican's connection with Chinese Catholic churches. These all factors were clearly manifested in the recent constitution, promulgated in December 1982. The policy of the north Korean regime was in short to wipe out religion. In Korea, religion, particularly Christianity and a native sect, Ch 'ondogyo, have been intimately associated with Korean nationalist movement, a factor which made these religions politically oriented. Moreover, north Korea has been traditionally the stronghold of these two religions. Kim Ilsung's Communist regime came to power solely by the Soviet Red Army when it teetered north Korea at the end of world War II. Km Ilsung, therefore, felt it necessary to receive support from the followers of Ch'ondogyo and Korean Christians in order to consolidate his legitimacy in the northern half, and, at the same time, these religions must be cleared away in order to carry out his socialist programs. Thus, after a shout period before the Korean War, when religious organizations in north Korea had been employed to support the Communist regime they were systematically diminished and in the end eliminated; and in the early 1960s, the Pyongyang regime declared that religion was disappeared in the northern half of Korea. In the/1970s, religious organizations reappeared in North Korea, but their work has been limited solely to the propaganda warfare against South Korea. Mean while, as indicated in Marxism that it is difficult to eradicate all religious elements in human life, the personality cult of Kim Ilsung, replacing all the religions, has became the sole object of worship in north Korea.

      • PDA 밸브에 의한 연소실내의 연소특성에 관한 연구

        김대열,한영출,조재명,김양술,주신혁,박병완 한국공작기계학회 2003 한국공작기계학회 추계학술대회논문집 Vol.2003 No.-

        An experimental study presents characteristics of combustion in a combustion chamber by port deactivation valve for economy and emissions standards. In order to use combustion properties data, it is necessary to build some data base, which use cylinder pressure sensor, etc. Port deactivation valve has been developed to satisfy requirement of achieving sufficient swirl generation to improve the combustion. A feasibility and necessity of combustion pressure based cylinder spark timing control has been examined. So, this was obtained the Coefficient of Variation(COV) and the mass-burned(MFB). The characteristics of pressure ratio fraction is similar to that of mass-burned fraction. Using the results of the test, the effects of the combustion chamber can be improved combustion stability by port deactivation.

      • 中共의 對韓半島 政策

        구대열 梨花女子大學校 韓國文化硏究院 1984 主題硏究 Vol.4 No.-

        This paper is designed to explain some recent changes in China's policy towards Korea. In the first part, the paper discusses the main factors which determine her Korean policy. First, from the geopolitical perspective, China considers the Korean peninsula to be a lip which protects the teeth (China). This implies that Korea presents a sort of threat to rather than an opportunity for China; and as long as the peninsula remains quiet, it has a low priority in the making of China's foreign policy. In this sense, the main objective of China's policy towards Korea is to maintain the status quo, preventing the outbreaks of any sorts of hostilities in the peninsula. Secondly, this paper argues that the future of Sino-Soviet relations would not be very different from the present state maintaining low-level tension, largely due to long-term strategic and economic policies of the Soviet Union in the Pacific region. This would present a dilemma for China in her relations with north Korea, because Moscow could take advantage of Beijing's penchant to Washington whenever necessary as a means of consolidating its relations with Pyongyang. Thirdly, the rapprochement between China and the United States would remain the main concern for north Korea in the future, and China has to find some ways which could compromise her own interest to deter Soviet expansionism in the region in cooperation with the United States and the necessity of preventing Pyongyang from leaning to Moscow. Fourthly, in order to persue the policy of modernization, the present Chinese leadership wants peaceful international environments and broadens the basis of cooperation with the western powers including the United States and Japen. These policies would certainly contribute to the stablization of the Korean penintula. China also tries to convince the Pyongyang regime the fact that, as China believes her future lies in pragmatism, not in self-reliance under the Mao era, north Korea must come out of self-imposed isolation and open her doors th the western world in order to compete with the economically flourishing south Korea. Fifty and lastly, some historical and cultural aspects such as the renunciation of chauvinistic behaviours on the part of China and the juche ideology of Kim Ilsung should also be counted in the understanding of their mutual relationship. The second part of this paper tries to explain recent relationship between China and north Korea and Beijing's policy towards the Korean peninsula through content analysis of speeches of the leaders of both countries which were made on the occasions of their exchange visits during the last two years. Some findings are as follows. China has felt great constraints over the means political, economic and military to make the Pyongyang regime more conductive to Beijing's policy in the area or at least to prevent her small ally from getting closer to Moscow. This fact has led her to treat north Korea on the basis of traditionally friendly neighbourhood not merely on the basis of socialist solidarity, thus being able to claim that Beijing's relationship with Pyongyang is always above that of Moscow-Pyongyang relationship. Beijing also intends to play a role of mediator between Washington and Pyongyang. This would display her strong support for the causes of the latter on the Korean question and would eventually pave the way for the normalization between Seoul and Beijing. South Korea, which has constitiuted merely a dependent variable to China's relations with the United States and Japan as well as north Korea, has recently attained some capabilities which China could no longer ignore as long as the latter would maintain the present policy of modernization and the opening of her economy to the west. Thus, contacts between Seoul and Beijing has slowly grown from non-political fields in spite of the strenuous efforts of north Korea to stop them. China's policy in this direction seems to have been firmly laid down. China made some successes in leading the Pyongyang regime to open its society to the outside world. During the visit of Kim Ilsung to Beijing in September 1982, serious discussions seem to have taken place over economic policies. At the time, the north Korean leader flatly rejected any notion of economic liberalization but this year Pyongyang proclaimed a law which allows foreign capital investment in the northern half. By this way China believes that her policy of stablization of the Korean peninsula is making a great progress.

      • KCI등재

        PDA 밸브가 SI 엔진의 연소특성에 미치는 영향에 대한 실험적 연구

        김대열,한영출 한국공작기계학회 2004 한국생산제조학회지 Vol.13 No.3

        The Swirl is one of the important parameters that effects the characteristics of combustion. PDA valve has been developed to satisfy two requirements of achieving sufficient swirl generation for improving the combustion and still maintaining hi호 volumetric efficiency. This paper presents the experimental results of the effect of PDA valve on characteristics of combustion in single cylinder spa가 ignition engine. As a result, the combustion stability can be greatly improved by PDA valve. The data b m present study are available for design of engine as the basic data.

      • KCI등재후보

        인간 타액선세포 및 선암종세포주의 분화 유도시 Transglutaminase발현과 고정의존성 성장과의 관계

        박대열,이선경,이화정,장현주,민승기,김은철 大韓顎顔面成形再建外科學會 2003 Maxillofacial Plastic Reconstructive Surgery Vol.25 No.2

        Transglutaminase(TGase) catalyzes the Ca^2+ dependent acyl transfer reaction to from γ-glutamyl lysine cross-links between substrate proteins. we have examined the expression of TGase 1 and TGase 2 enzyme activity and protein expression in differentiation induced salivary gland cells(HSG), and human salivary adenocarcinoma cell lines(SGT)in reation to anchorage independent growth. The TGase1 and TGase 2 activity in SGT was higher than in HSG, and there is no significant difference between TGase 2 and TGase1 cells. HSG cells showed no increase in TGase 1 and TGase 2 upon reaching post confluence and in 1.8mM Ca^2+. Expression of the TGase 1 and TGase 2 was induced by high cell density or by high calcium in SGT. No induction of TGase 1 & 2 protein was observed in postconfiuent HSG cells, but there was notable increases in TGase 1 & 2 protein in post confiuent SGT cells. This pattern of TGase 1 & 2 protein expression correlates with the pattern of particulate activity. SGT cells showed more colony size and colony forming activity in soft agar rather than HSG cells. The ability of SGT cells, containing high levels of TGase 2 and TGase1,to form colonies in soft agar suggests a role for this enzyme in anchorage independence.

      • 위 유문동 평활근세포의 Caffeine 활성화 전류에 미치는 Ascorbate의 효과

        이무열,방효원,엄대용,이상돈 중앙대학교 의과대학 의과학연구소 1992 中央醫大誌 Vol.17 No.4

        In order to observe the effects of ascorbate on the background current in pyloric circular smooth muscle cells, caffeine of which action was fairly clarified, was used to induce the current systems. To block all of the known currents, various blocking agents were added in the external bathing solution. A part of pyloric circular muscle tissue was excised out, and enzymatic isolation technique was used to obtain Ca^2+ -tolerant single circular muscle cells. The whole cell mode of patch-clamp experiment was conducted. The results were as follows : 1. Ascorbate induced the increase of inward currents in the hyperpolarized potential ranges, and quite a large increase of outward currents in the depolarized ranges. 2. Caffeine also induced similar results, but the magnitude of outward current was smaller than that of assorbate in the depolarized ranges. 3. These phenomena were disappeared by addition of the anion channel blocker. 4. Replacement of external NaCl with NMG·Cl was rarely affected the effects of ascorbate and and caffeine. But the effects of ascorbate and caffeine were almost abolished when sxternal Cl^- was substituted for aspartate. These results suggested that ascorbate affected chloride current which thought as a component of the background currents in the pyloric circular smooth muscle cells.

      • 一柱門의 建築形式에 關한 硏究

        정대열,이재환,이용대,예명해 대구대학교 과학기술연구소 2001 科學技術硏究 Vol.8 No.2

        The purpose of this study is to discover the architectural type of 「Il-joo-moon」 It deals with 「Il-joo-moon」 that has been built before 1910 in Gyoung-sang province. This study analyzes type of member, jointing method, frame structure method by dividing 「Il-joo-moon」 into four parts such as roof, bracket system, frame structure, podium. The results of this analysis are as follows 1) Roof: The 「Pal-ssac」 style of roof and the 「Matt-bae」 style of roof are dominant and double caves mainly appears. 2) Bracket system: The arrangement of bracket system can be divided into one-line-arrangement and two-line-arrangement. As far as 「Chul-mock-soo」 concerned, 3 or 4 「Chul-mock-soo」 is predominent. 「Tong-jae-gong」 has been used to connect front and back bracket system for some 「Il joo-moon」. When it comes 「jae-gong」, 「Sue-soe」 style, 「Yon-bong」 style and 「Yon-hwa」 style are mainly seen. 3) Frame structure: There are 5 forms in classifying frame structure depending on the jointing method of main-column, diagonal member, sub-column etc. and weight transmission method. 4) Podim: Natural foundation stone is majority. It is judged that 「Il-joo-moon」 has no podium or natural ones, however, it has recently been converted into artificially processed podium in many cases.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼