동종 골수이식 후 만성 이식편대숙주반응 환자에서 발생한 폐렴구균에 의한 수막뇌염 1예

신완식,김병욱,유진홍,김동집,김춘추,박종원,이종욱,김동욱,강문원,김양리 대한감염학회 1993 감염 Vol.25 No.3

Graft-versus-host disease (GVHD) is a frequent complication after bone marrow transplantation. Infectious complications are common in GVHD patients due to defect in cell-mediated immunity. A rare case of S. pneumoniae meningoencephalitis occured in a patient with extensive form of chronic GVHD after allogeneic bone marrow transplantation. He was immediately treated with full dosage of ceftriaxone and ampicillin. He suffered from various complications such as sepsis, acute renal failure, atelectasis, and seizure. Despite of aggressive treatment, he died probably due to renal shutdown and massive subacute cerebral infarction of left cerebral hemisphere. This report showed two unusual and rare features. First, the infection site was CNS rather than respiratory system. Second, the causative organism was S. pneumoniae, which is rare cause of CNS infection in immunocompromised patients.

[논문] 의례로서 '죽은 자들의 날'의 사회문화적 이미지 분석

박종욱 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2011 코기토 Vol.- No.69

멕시코의 ‘죽은 자들의 날’은 죽음의 사회문화적 이미지를 함축적으로 담고 있는 축제적 의례이다. 대부분의 문화권에서 죽음은 삶의 대척점으로서 부정적인 인상과 이미지로 표현되는 것이 일반적이다. 그러나 멕시코의 축제적 의례에 반영된 죽음의 이미지는 단순한 행사의 의미를 넘어 사회문화적 순기능의 역할을 주도하는 긍정적 이미지이다. ‘죽은 자들의 날’은 문화적 전망에 있어서 멕시코 인들의 연대의식을 강화하는 틀에서 특별한 맥락으로 이해되어야 한다. 멕시코 사회에서 이 의례는 가족과 친지들의 죽음을 기념하는 통과의례를 일상의 축제적 의례 형태를 체험하는 과정에서 사회문화적 정체성을 공유할 수 있도록 하는 기능을 수행한다. 아스테카의 문화적 전통에서 유래된 ‘죽은 자들의 날’의 의례적 행위는 멕시코 인들이 현재에 이르기까지 오랫동안 그들의 일상에서 직접 체험하며 문화코드로서 축적하여 기념하는 긍정적인 이미지로서 죽음의 한계를 넘어서는 특별한 경험이 되고 있는 것이다. ‘죽은 자들의 날’은 멕시코 사회에서 단순한 종교적 축제 의례를 넘어서서 의례의 의미를 ‘내재화’하는 과정과 축적된 의례 행위에 의해 사회적 구조로서 ‘외형화’ 혹은 ‘체계화’를 가능하게 하는 사회문화적 시스템으로서 복합적 의미로 외연이 확장되며, 국가 단위의 사회문화 정체성을 구성하는 주요한 요소가 된다. 이는 절대 대다수의 멕시코인들이 일상의 삶에서 경험하는 일상의 의례인 것이다. The purpose of this study is to define the sociocultural images of ‘the day of the dead’ and analyze them. The world where we live is a ‘Death-denying’ society. It is natural that we have negative images about the death. But the image of the dead reflected on the mexican festival rites has positive images than that we have normally. ‘The day of the dead’ has the special contexts with which the mexicans can associate with each other for better solidarity to construct their society in cultural perspectives. The festival make them feel the sociocultural identity between them, celebrating the rites of passage every year commemorating the dead of their family members and relatives. Therefore the mexicans have accepted the dead in their lifes for very long times, seeking the positive meanings of the death that has been the special media with which they have surpassed the limits of the existence of being alive that always suffer the fear of the death, that could have been interpreted as a friendly image through making the rites. ‘The day of the dead’ in mexican society is not only the simple religious festival rites, but also the complex rites as sociocultural system that serve for the ‘internalization’ of the meanings of the rituals and for the ‘externalization’ or ‘systemization’ of the ritual elements as a nation wide dimension festival that make the absolute majority of the mexicans feel themselves as mexicans.

第3世界와 局地戰

鄭鍾旭 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1980 論文集 Vol.- No.6

韓國外交政策의 變遷과 共産圈外交의 登場

鄭鍾旭 단국대학교 미소연구소 1988 미소연구 Vol.2 No.-

The essay deals with the process of the emergence of the contacts and ties between South korea and the Communist countries Relations between South korea and the Communist countries have greatly improved in recent years. Although mostly in terms of economic cooperation, they inevitably have serious politial implications. The paper argues that official contacts between South Korea and the Communist block did not emerge for almost a quarter of a century since the foundation fo a new government in the southern half of the Korean penincula in 1948. This long delay was primarily due to three factors, among others. First, South Korea, having been liberated from the Japanes colonial rule and heavily assisted in the formation of its new government by the United States, had no other option but to rely on its new patron in Washington. The one-sided dependence of the seoul government on the United States had the effect of precluding any possibility of opening up with the Communist world as long as the superpower relations between the East and the Wast remained in a state of cold war. The second factor is related to the United Niations and the role it played in the politics of unification in Korea. The United Nations supervised the election in 1948 which resulted in the formation of the first republic led by president Syngman Rhee. Since then, the world body played the role of endorsing the South Korean government, and its claim to the exclusive legitimacy representing the entire Korean perinsula, by passing a resolution based on the reports submitted by a UN Commission on Korea. The Seoul government concentrated all its diplomatie efforts on obtaing the UN endorsement. The support for the resolution mostly came from the Non-Communist nations, but it proved increasingly difficult and costly to secure as newly independent third world countries joined the general assembly. In the early 70’s, South korea realized that the UN endorsement no longer provided the legitimacy it sought for. In 1973, the UN ceased to table the korean question in the general assembly. The third factor is the Korean War. The War made the security the atmost concern and preoccupation of South Korea. Nothing had a higher priority than security for South Korea. Security could be best provided by a strong and often authoritarian goveravment internally and by closely identifying South Korea with the anti-Communist military and political network of the free world led by the United States. Also, the war saw the direct and massive participation of the Chinese volunteers in the hostility. This had the practical consequence of rendering the relationship between Beijing and Seoul one of extreme hostility where peaceful coexistence was unthinkable, much less the contacts. Of course, the ultimate constraint on South Korea-Communist bloc relations is North Korea. Politial relations are not unthinkable. Yet, they are regarded unrealistic to expect in the near future because of North Korea’s objection, This, the paper concludes, the future course of South Korea-Communist bloc depends on the inter-Korea relations.

관상동맥질환에서 Tc-99m Methoxyisobutyl Isonitrile (MIBI) Myocardial SPECT의 이용 : Dipyridamole 심근부하 SPECT와 관상동맥조영술과의 비교 A Comparison between Coronary Angiography and Tc-99m-MIBI Myocardial SPECT

이강욱,전은석,박종훈,신영태,노흥규 충남대학교 의과대학 지역사회의학연구소 1993 충남의대잡지 Vol.20 No.2

In order to evaluate clinical utilities of Tc-99m MIBI dipyridamole stress myocardial SPECT in patients with coronary artery disease (CAD), we compaired tomographic and polar map images of Tc-99m MIBI myocardial SPECT with the results of coronary angiography in 25 patients with CAD (myocardial infarction 13,angina pectoris 12) in Chungnam National University Hospital from Oct. 1991 to Oct 1993. Percutaneous transcoronary angioplasty (PTCA) was done in three patients of 25 CAD patients and follow up SPECT studies were done in same three patients within 2 months after PTCA. The results were as follows : 1. Mean age of patients was 57.4 years. Man was 2.7 times more than woman. 2. Sensitivity and specificity of Tc-99m MIBI myocardial SPECT for the detection of coronary artery stenosis in patients with myocardial infarction were 92.7 % anf 85 %, respectively. 3. Sensitivity and specificity of Tc-99m MIBI myocardial SPECT for the detection of coronary artery stenosis in patients with angina pectoris were 100 % and 67 %, respectively. 4. After PTCA size of perfusion defects in stress SPELT images was decreased in all three patients . With the results above,we thought that Tc-99m MIBI myocardial SPECT is useful noninvasive method to detect stenosed coronary artery in patients with CAD and it can be used as a method to evaluate the result of PTCA.

韓國의 國際 커뮤니케이션에 대한 態度의 硏究

鄭鍾旭 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1985 論文集 Vol.- No.9

The main purpose of this paper is to examine, on the basis of survey data and contents of domestic newspapers, Korean journalists' views on international affairs and their influences on the contents of foreign news of domestic newspapers. The quantitative analysis of Korean journalists views on international affairs and contents of foreign news of domestic newspapers strongly shows U,5.-oriented view of world politics. Foreign news of domestic newspapers have given a heavy emphasis on politico-military relations among great powers. On the other hand, major issues of the Third World, North-South relations, New International Communication Order have not been sufficiently covered in domestic newspapers. Although the present U.S.-oriented view of Korean journalism on world affairs is partially inevitable for the reality of confrontation between South and North Korea, it cannot be denied that Korean journalists and newspapers are heavily influenced by the present international communication order and thus could not develop an independent view of international politics and communication. In a long-term perspective, to cultivate the national identity in the era of globalism, Korean journalism should develop a more balanced view on international affairs. The main purpose of this paper is to examine, on the basis of survey data and contents of domestic newspapers, Korean journalists' views on international affairs and their influences on the contents of foreign news of domestic newspapers. The quantitative analysis of Korean journalists views on international affairs and contents of foreign news of domestic newspapers strongly shows U,5.-oriented view of world politics. Foreign news of domestic newspapers have given a heavy emphasis on politico-military relations among great powers. On the other hand, major issues of the Third World, North-South relations, New International Communication Order have not been sufficiently covered in domestic newspapers. Although the present U.S.-oriented view of Korean journalism on world affairs is partially inevitable for the reality of confrontation between South and North Korea, it cannot be denied that Korean journalists and newspapers are heavily influenced by the present international communication order and thus could not develop an independent view of international politics and communication. In a long-term perspective, to cultivate the national identity in the era of globalism, Korean journalism should develop a more balanced view on international affairs.

書院의 成立과 16세기 朝鮮社會의 書院普及運動

조종인,김창욱 경상대학교 1995 學生生活硏究所報 Vol.21 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to reveal the origin and history of Seowon and to examine the activities of Chu, Se-bung(주세붕) and Lee, Hwang(이황) who produced most remarkable achievements in spread of Seowon in Choson society in the 16th century. Seowon is a sort of private educational institute which had been founded by Sarim(사림) after the middle period of Chosun. Seowon of Chosun had been influenced from China in the course of its coming into existence, but it has many differences if the function and characteristic and so on. The first foundation of Seowon in this country is Backundong(백운동) Seowon, which was founded in the site of the old house in Gyeongsangdo which is Sunhung(순흥), An, Hyang(안향)'s by Chu, Sebung who was the magistrate of Pungkigun(풍기군), in Jungjong(중종) 38 year (1543). It was by Lee, Hwang that Seowon was established and spread independently. He primarily claimed the national support and Sa-aeg(사액) to Backundong Seowon for the purpose of official recognition and informing of its existence all over the country. And after, he devoted himself to its extension. For instance, he participated in building about ten number of Seowon and wrote Seowonki(서원기) to those. his activities like this promoted to its development and popularization through succeeding from his pupils, and later the Toegye School(퇴계학파) was established by these Seowons as the central force.

아시아에서의 새로운 國際經濟秩序와 그 政治的 問題

鄭鍾旭 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1982 論文集 Vol.- No.7

Compelling reasons exist in Asia for closer economic cooperation and reduction of political convicts. Asia scored in the 70s one of the highest growth rates in the world and many knowledgeable persons predicted that Asia would be the fastest growing region in the world in the 1980s. Beside the growth potentials, Asia includes countries of different levels of economic development and resource endowments. Broadening the scope to include such Pacific countries as the United Slates, Australia, and New Zealand, the area encompasses such highly industrialized coultries as the United States, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan, such newly industrialized countries as South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong, and such developing countries as the People's Republic of China, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and India. Intra-regional trade among these Asian countries in the 1970s grew more rapidly than inter-regional trade. Also, the growing awareness among the Asian countries of the need for intra-regional economic and political cooperation has become particularly acute. Asian countries, however, have to overcome a number of obstacles before their increasing economic cooperation could lead to some form of institutions, much less the establishment of new economic order in Asia. A close analysis of the patterns of regional cooperation ana interaction among the Asian countries suggests that non-economic factors are still highly significant in determining their external orientation, and directions of cooperative and conflictual behaviors. Intra-regional cooperation did increase substantially ill the 1960s and 1970s. Yet, judging from the changing patterns of the membership of Asian regional organizations, Asian countries are very provincial in their orientation, and the tension of ethnic, religious and cultural origin persists with little prospects for drastic improvements in the foreseeable future. In Asia, the fundamental unit of regional interactions is the nation-state and an inter-governmental regional organization with genuinely transnational authority has yet to emerge. Although, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the number of regional organizations did increase in Asia, their authority to overrule the membership nations, or the index the membership of regional organizations indicates that Aslan countries are unusually reluctant to cross the geographical boundary of their subregion. In the 1970s: for instance, East Asian countries interacted with each other far more than they di4 with countries of other subregions. The same provincialism is found in all other subregions. The South Asia, the Southeast Asia, and the countries in Indochina.

業種別 職種別 賃金에 관한 硏究

金鍾仁,李泰旭 서울大學校 經濟硏究所 1979 經濟論集 Vol.18 No.3

Mo-silicide의 확산 메카니즘에 관한 연구

박종윤,이상균,한기평,이재욱 성균관대학교 1991 論文集 Vol.42 No.1

n-type Si water(100) 위에 Mo를 1000Å을 증착한 후 400℃에서 120분간 pre-annealing(예비 열처리)하고 기존의 FA(Furnace Annealing) 방법과 본 실험실에서 개발, 제작한 RTA(Rapid Thermal Annealing) 장치로 post-annealing하여 hexagonal MoSi_2와 tetragonal MoSi_2를 형성하였다. 이는 XRD로 phase를 확인하였으며 AES depth profile를 이용하여 Si의 확산 메카니즘을 조사하였다. 기판의 온도가 400℃인 경우 MoSi_2의 형성이 용이하고 표면의 grain의 morphology 또한 FA방법에 비해 RTA방법이 크고 균일하게 형성되고 pre-annealing한 시편이 균일한 grain을 형성함을 알았다. 이는 grain의 morphology가 확산에 커다란 영향을 미치고 있음을 암시하고 있다. Mo films with a thickness of 1000Å were prepared on n-type Si(100) substrates by electron beam evaporation and heated to form the MoSi_2 of the hexagonal-and tetragonal-phase by the FA(Furnace Annealing) and RTA(Rapid Thermal Annealing) methods. The phases of Mo-silicide were confirmed by XRD. AES depth profiles were performed to obtain the Si distribution by the diffusion. Also, the change of MoSi_2 surface morphology was analyzed by SEM and EDX to investigate the mechanism of diffusion. When the substrate temperature was 400℃, well defined MoSi_2 was formed easily, the morphology of grain was distributed largely and uniformly. And it was found that the performance of the pre-annealing before post-annealing lead to lower about 150℃ for the formation temperature of very stable MoSi_2.