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      • KCI등재

        The EPP on the vP Level in English

        임창국(Changguk Yim) 한국생성문법학회 2004 생성문법연구 Vol.14 No.1

        In this article it will be proposed that following Bowers 2002, English has the obligatory EPP-feature on v. Evidence comes from a wide range of data such as the (passive) existential construction with NegP, generic/existential interpretation, the definiteness effects, coordination, and Raising. One of the theoretical implications of this proposal is that the fact that English v has an EPP-feature requiring that its Spec position be filled constitutes support for the view that the EPP-features, in general, whether on T or v, cannot be eliminated in the grammar, contra Bo.kovi. 2002 and Epstein & Seely 2003.

      • KCI등재

        호격 ‘-아/야’는 격조사인가, 후치사인가, 한정사인가?

        임창국(Changguk Yim) 현대문법학회 2021 현대문법연구 Vol.112 No.-

        The main aim of this article is to achieve the observationally adequate grammar of the vocative marker –a/ya in Korean. By comparing other nominal particles such as structural Case markers, postpositions, and delimiters, the article addresses the question of what syntactic category the marker in question belongs to. The empirical finding is that the vocative marker behaves morpho-syntactically differently from the three categories of nominal particles. As a consequence, it is hard to confirm that of the three, it falls under any single syntactic category. This peculiarity of the marker leads to offer a syntactic analysis in which –a/ya heads its own projection, Vocative Phrase, and the Voc head bears the [2p] feature, which is responsible for anthropomorphism or personification of the inanimate or nonhuman addressee. In addition, the characteristics the marker at stake exhibits can be explained straightforwardly if it is assumed that vocative phrases appear above the left periphery, i.e., beyond the propositional CP domain in which the argument structure of predicates is represented or saturated syntactically. Namely, they occur in the so-called Speech Act Phrase domain that syntactically encodes discourse-pragmatics information such as discourse participants.

      • KCI등재

        A Note on Korean Vocatives at the Syntax-pragmatics Interface

        Yim Changguk(임창국) 한국어학회 2021 한국어학 Vol.90 No.-

        이 글의 목적은 한국어 호격 표현에 대한 통사-화용 접합면적 분석을 제안하는 데에 있다. 먼저 본고는 통사-화용 접합면적 분석에 대한 선행연구를 간략히 개괄한다. 이들 연구는 화자, 청자 등의 대화 참여자와 같은 화용개념이 통사구조에 직접 반영되어야 한다는 주장한다. 구체적으로, 모문 CP 위에 화행구(speech act phrase: SAP)가 설정된다. 이 화행구 SAP는 내포절에는 나타나지 않는다. 나아가, 본고는 한국어 청자존대 ‘-요’가 청자 화행구 핵의 외현적 실현이라는 Yim(2016)의 분석에 기대어, 호격 표현이 ‘-요’와 보이는 존대일치 현상을 통해서 청자 화행구 SAP의 지정어 자리에 위치한다고 주장한다. 화자-청자 화행구 SAP가 모문에만 설정된다는 분석 하에, ‘-요’와 호격 표현이 보이는 소위 모문현상을 설명한다. This article begins with a brief review of previous seminal studies on the syntax-pragmatics interface. They maintain that discourse participants such as the speaker and addressee should be encoded in syntactic structure: they are implemented syntactically via Speech Act (SA) phrases. Specifically, the SA projection is located above the matrix CP, and it is unembeddable. In other words, it cannot appear in embedded complement or adjunct clauses. Furthermore, following Yim (2016) in which the addressee-honorific marker -yo in Korean is an exponent of the SA phrase that is responsible for the addressee, it offers a formal analysis of vocatives in Korean at the syntax-pragmatics interface. In particular, it proposes that vocatives are housed on the Spec position of the SA phrase for the addressee located above CP in matrix clauses only. From this, the fact follows straightforwardly that, like the discourse marker at stake, vocatives are unembeddable, that is, they can only occur in matrix clauses and never appear in embedded clauses.

      • KCI등재

        초점과 통사-음운 접합면

        임창국(Yim, Changguk) 현대문법학회 2011 현대문법연구 Vol.63 No.-

        From a theoretical perspective, linguistic phenomena are explained in terms of levels of representations such as phonology, syntax, pragmatics, and the like. To better understand the nature of the language faculty, however, it is significant to explore the various interfaces between levels of representations in which one module reflects the other. In this article, it will be examined that phonological phrasing reflects syntactic cycle and focus affects phonological phrasing in Korean. Phonological rephrasing triggered by focus will be accounted for under the Multiple Spell-Out model (Uriagereka 1999, Chomksy 2000, 2001; Dobashi 2003, 2006).

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        어미 ‘-ㄴ, -ㄹ ’의 통시적 변 화와 DP/CP 대칭이론

        임창국(Yim, Changguk) 한국생성문법학회 2015 생성문법연구 Vol.25 No.3

        Adnominalizers -n and -l in Modern Korean functioned as nominalizers in pre-Old Korean. Such a change from nominalizers to adnominalizers was also observed in most Altaic languages. In this article, a synchronic formal account for the diachronic change will be presented in which the change is an instance of recategorization from D to C. It will further be argued that such D>C recategorization is made possible due to Hiraiwa’s (2005) theory of “supercategory” which reflects a dual property of nominals and clauses. On this view, the D>C recategorization in Korean (and many Altaic languages) boils down to a matter of specifying a categorial status of category-neutral supercategory into either nominal (DP) or clausal (CP).

      • KCI등재

        An Additional Support for Phase Theory: Phasehood of vP and non-phasehood of TP

        Changguk Yim(임창국) 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.1

          Chomsky (2000 and subsequent work) argues that a phase is CP or vP, but not TP (see also Fox 1999 and Nissenbaum 2000). This squib shows that successive cyclic A"-movement targets every vP (and CP) along the way to the final landing site, and presents additional empirical support in favor of a vP-peripheral, but not TP-peripheral, landing site for A"-movement.

      • KCI등재

        Locative Inversion in Korean

        임창국(Changguk Yim) 한국생성문법학회 2005 생성문법연구 Vol.15 No.1

        The purpose of this article is to present an analysis for locative inversion constructions in Korean. It will be argued that the inversion involves A- movement, and proposed that movement of the locative to SpecυP and subsequently to SpecTP is triggered by the optional EPP-features on υ and T (Bowers 2002, Collins 1997). A theoretical implication will be addressed with respect to Case-valuing and Φ-agreement. Furthermore, it will be proposed that the inverted constituent is, in fact, Kase Phrase (KP) selecting PP, based on the fact that the fronted locative displays certain nominal properties in Korean.

      • KCI등재

        Further Evidence against the pro Analysis of Argument Ellipsis in Korean

        임창국(Changguk Yim) 한국생성문법학회 2020 생성문법연구 Vol.30 No.3

        This squib presents a substantive set of data that argues against the pro analysis of argument ellipsis (AE) in Korean. The data show a wide range of elided arguments in terms of syntactic category and subcategorial features. This constitutes a non-trivial theoretical burden on the pro analysis since the analysis has to posit categorially different kinds of pro. In this sense, the ellipsis analysis of AE is theoretically superior to the pro analysis in that, category-wise, it need not assume so many types of pro.

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