Suppression of experimental systemic lupus erythematosus(SLE) with specific anti-idiotypic antibody-saporin conjugate

Blank, M .,Manosroi, J .,Tomer, Y .,Manosroi, A .,Kopolovic, J .,Polak, S . Charcon,Shoenfeld, Y . 전남대학교 약품개발연구소 1995 약품개발연구지 Vol.3 No.1

The importance of the idiotypic network is represented in experimental SLE induced by active immunization of naive mice with an anti-DNA idiotype (Ab1) emulsified in adjuvant. The mice after 4 months of incubation generate Ab3 having anti-DNA activity. In addition, the mice develop other serological markers for SLE associated with clinical and histopathological manifestations characteristic of the disease. To confirm further the etiological role of the idiotype in this experimental model, the mice were treated with specific anti-idiotypic antibodies (anti-Id) which were also conjugated to a toxin-saporin (Immunotoxin (IT)). Pretreatment of hybridoma cell line producing the anti-anti-Id (anti-DNA=(Ab3) for 48 h with the anti-Id MoAb (Ab2) reduced the production of anti-DNA by 58%, while pretreatment with the IT resulted in 86% decrease in anti-DNA secretion (saporin alone had only 12% effect). The anti-Id MoAb had no effect on the production of immunoglobulin by an unrelated cell line. In vivo treatment of mice with experimental SLE led to a significant decrease in titres of serum autoantibodies, with diminished clinical manifestations. The result were more remarkable when the IT was employed. These suppressive effects were specific, since an anti-Id treatment of experimental anti-phospholipid syndrome was of no avail. The anti-Id effect was mediated via a reduction in specific anti-DNA antibody-forming cells, and lasted only while anti-Id injections were given. Discontinuation of the anti-Id injection was followed by a rise in titres of anti-DNA antibodies. No immunological escape of new anti-DNA Ids was noted. Our results point to the importance of pathogenic idiotypes in SLE and to the specific potential of implementing anti-idiotypic therapy, enhanced by the conjugation of the anti-Id to an immunotoxin, in particular one with low spontaneous toxicity.

Helsinki in Asia?:Towards a Multilateral Asian Order

BLANK,Stephen J. THE INSTITUTE OF EAST AND WEST STUDIES YONSEI UNIV 1994 Global economic review Vol.23 No.1

ECONOMICS AND SECURITY IN NORTHEAST ASIA : THE IRON SILK ROAD,ITS CONTEXT AND IMPLICATIONS

Blank, Stephen 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2002 Global economic review Vol.31 No.3

In recent years, there have been some developments in East Asia. North Korea has officially stated that it is developing nuclear weapons. Because of this, its neighbours have been uneasy and have resulted in significant changes. Previously, there was a primary drive to develop East Asia's economic potential. South Korea wanted to specialize in certain key strategic industries while becoming the region's business hub. Russia wanted to exploit its vast eastern region for its natural resources and build a railway connecting Europe to East Asia. Japan wants to escape its economic slump. China wants to bring about a new era of prosperity for its people. However, this all changed because of North Korea. Now, these nations are delicately balancing their economic priorities with political and military security.

From Kosovo to Kursk: Russian Defense Policy from Yeltsin to Putin

( Stephen Blank ) 한국국방연구원 2000 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.12 No.2

Civilian control of the armed forces is an essential element in the democratization of formerly authoritarian or totalitarian states. Yet Russia has failed to achieve such control either under Yeltsin or under Vladimir Putin, its current president. This failure endangers both Russian democracy and Russian security as it creates auspicious conditions for continuing domestic authoritarianism and internal war at home as well as foreign adventurism. This article traces the consequences of that lack of democratic civilian control in the Russian armed forces from the Kosovo descent of mid-1999 until the tragic sinking of the Kursk submarine in August 2000. It assesses the reason behind the Kosovo operation as well as the Chechen war that began August-September 1999. Despite the undoubted Chechen threat, this war goes far beyond a riposte to that threat. Indeed, it reflects all of the pathologies inherent in the failure to achieve democratization and it has contributed as well to the hardening of Russia`s posture vis-a-vis the West and to the failure to achieve democratic reform in the armed forces. Until and unless Russia overcomes those impediments to reform, it will be internally anti-democratic or incompletely democratic, prone to military adventures, and anti-Western in its overall security policies.

The Arctic and New Security Challenges in Asia

Stephen Blank,김연규 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2013 Pacific Focus Vol.28 No.3

The most under-reported aspect of the Arctic’s growing importance is its impact upon Asia’s international relations. There is an enormous need for energy due to the rise of China and other Asian countries as the most dynamic region of the global economy. The introduction of the Arctic into the Asian equation could enhance Russia’s role. This article explores a process of interaction between the Arctic and Northeast Asian issues, like Sino–Russian relations, and between the Arctic and Southeast Asian issues, like the struggles over the South China Sea. In Southeast and Northeast Asia, local governments from South Korea to India are all building up their fleets. We can also see a generalized trend in tying fleet construction to missions connected with the defense of energy sources or of energy transit through international and national waters.

ECONOMICS AND SECURITY IN NORTHEAST ASIA: THE IRON SILK ROAD, ITS CONTEXT AND IMPLICATIONS

Stephen Blank 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2002 Global economic review Vol.31 No.3

In recent years, there have been some developments in East Asia. North Korea has officially stated that it is developing nuclear weapons. Because of this, its neighbours have been uneasy and have resulted in significant changes. Previously, there was a primary drive to develop East Asia’s economic potential. South Korea wanted to specialize in certain key strategic industries while becoming the region’s business hub. Russia wanted to exploit its vast eastern region for its natural resources and build a railway connecting Europe to East Asia. Japan wants to escape its economic slump. China wants to bring about a new era of prosperity for its people. However, this all changed because of North Korea. Now, these nations are delicately balancing their economic priorities with political and military security.

Russia’s Strategic Dilemmas in Asia

Stephen Blank 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2008 Pacific Focus Vol.23 No.3

Russia sees itself and wants to be seen as a great Asian power playing a major role in East Asian security. The main and perhaps only instrument for this is its energy resources which it hopes to convert into a means for economic and infrastructural development as well as defense reconstruction in the Far East. However, it is not keeping pace either in energy shipments to Asia or in internal reconstruction and is failing to redress its strategic economic problems. Neither is it fully able to cope with the challenges of hostility to America and the problems posed by Korean proliferation and a rising China’s economic and military capabilities. Though it may be flush with energy money today, these shortcomings and intractable problems do not augur well for Russia realizing its ambitions.

Outsourcing Korea

( Stephen Blank ) 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2006 Pacific Focus Vol.21 No.1

The Six-party agreement on North Korea`s nuclear program on September 19-20, 2005, despite its insistence upon an end to North Korea`s nuclear activities, is in reality a major sign of significant regional trends that betoken a significant loss of U.S. power over the issues connected with security on the Korean peninsula. This agreement represents the first tangible outcome of the growing distancing of the ROK and the United States, and thus the fraying of their alliance. It also signifies a major diplomatic triumph for China which has forged an apparent alliance with Russia against American policy in Northeast Asia and is becoming increasingly closer to South Korea on issues relating to the Korean peninsula`s security, than America. This agreement could thus represent a milestone in China`s efforts to multilateralize security on the peninsula and effectuate a corresponding reduction in U.S. power in Asia. This outcome owes much to the American failure to understand and take account of regional dynamics, namely, that to be an effective player here one must have a relationship with North Korea. It also stems form the excessive partisan politicization of this issue in Congress and the Bush Administration`s inability to overcome its unilateral and moralizing tendencies to forge a coherent policy among all branches of the government. Indeed, Washington spurned its interlocutors` pleas to engage North Korea directly, an engagement that would have allowed it to retain the preponderant position vis-a-vis Korean security issues that it has enjoyed since 1953. Although these talks are hardly concluded and the outcome remains uncertain, even somewhat precarious, it is clear that the prospects for a new security system in Northeast Asia, built at Washington`s expense are very much in sight.

Soviet Perspectives on Arms Control in the Korean Peninsula

( Stephen Blank ) 한국국방연구원 1991 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.3 No.1

By virtue of its recognition of the South Korean state the Soviet Union has dramatically increased its standing and its visibility on the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia. As part of this process Moscow has proposed several arms control formulas and ideas for political resolution of the conflict between North and South Korea, some of which mark new thinking in Soviet policy but many of which, for all the innovations involved in Soviet policy, follow closely along North Korean proposals of the past. All of these proposals have in mind the denuclearization of the region and the eventual withdrawal of American forces from South Korea. At the same time it is increasingly clear that Soviet foreign policy in the region is itself the subject of an important struggle at home and that forces supporting Pyongyang seem to have risen in the last few months. Thus Moscow has announced its continuing support of North Korea by transfer of arms even if they may be sold outside North Korea for hard currency. Soviet spokesmen, especially military ones, have also reaffirmed support for North Korean positions. These developments should induce caution as to what Soviet policy goals are in the area. So too do Moscow``s arms control proposals which, on closer inspection, seem to be designed to reduce or eliminate the US presence, not only nuclear but naval as well, in the area. These proposals fit quite comfortably with Soviet naval and air developments and doctrine which seem to be aiming at the creation of a protected sanctuary for Soviet naval and air forces in Northeast Asia, what Soviet theorists have called a limited theater for command of the sea. All of these developments in Soviet policy, domestic unrest, economic stagnation, if not depression, continued naval and air rearmament in the Pacific, and support for North Korea should continue to induce skepticism and caution regarding Soviet objectives for Korea and Northeast Asia generally. At present, therefore, Soviet proposals are, on close inspection, still one-sided and self-serving, if not as belligerent as before.

The Arctic: A New Issue on Asia`s Security Agenda

( Stephen Blank ),( Youn Kyoo Kim ) 한국국방연구원 2011 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.23 No.3

China has clearly emulated Russia`s previous example of making loud claims and increasing military patrols in the Arctic. China will likely become a major player in Arctic trade routes and become a main destination for goods shipped through the Northern Sea Route. It is likely that a significant part of future Russian oil and gas production will ultimately be supplied to China. What are the strategic implications of China`s active involvement in Arctic politics? The Arctic "Great Game" is often described as a new Cold War between the United States and Russia. Regionally, the two main protagonists are Russia and Norway. This article makes a different argument. The Arctic has recently become an issue on the Russo-Chinese, and possibly Russo-Japanese security agenda. The first goal of this article is to examine the Arctic policy and strategy of Russia, perhaps the most difficult nation to understand in terms of Arctic security. The second goal of the article is to explain how the Arctic has become an issue of concern in Russia`s relationship with China.