반도체소자의 표면보호용 PSG, PE-SIN박막의 항균열특성에 대한 연구

하정민,신홍재,이수웅,김영욱,이정규,Ha, Jung-Min,Shin, Hong-Jae,Lee, Soo-Woong,Kim, Young-Wug,Lee, Jung-Kyu 한국재료학회 1993 한국재료학회지 Vol.3 No.2

반도체 소자의 표면 보호용으로 사용되는 상압 CVD 방법에 의한 PSG(Phosposilicate glass)막 및 플라즈마 CVD방법에 의한 PE-SiN(Plasma enhanced CVD S${i_2}{N_4}$)막의 항균열 특성을 알루미늄박막이 증착되어 있는 실리콘 기판위에서 조사했다. 45$0^{\circ}C$에서 30분간으 열처리를 반복하면서 균열 발생 유무 및 그 형태를 조사하여 이러한 균열의 생성을 각 막의 막응력과 관련하여 검토하였다. 이들 박막에서의 균열 발생은 하부 조직인 알루미튬배선과의 열팽창계수차에 의한 것임을 알 수 있었다. PSG막 두께가 증가할수록 인장응력이 증가하여 항균열성이 저하되었다. PSG막의 P농도가 증가할수록 막응력은 압축응력쪽으로 이동하였고 균열 발생은 억제되었다. PE-SiN 막도 높은 압축응력을 갖게 함으로써 항균열성을 향상시킬 수 있었다. 본 실험의 결과로부터 반복 열처리시 균열 발생여부에 대한 실험식을 제시하였다. Abstract The crack resistance of PSG(Phosphosilicate Glass) and PE-SiN(Plasma Enhanced CVD S${i_2}{N_4}$)films deposited on aluminium thin films on Si substrate was analyzed in this study. PSG was deposited by AP-CVD and PE- SiN by PE-CVD. All the films underwent repeated heat cycles at 45$0^{\circ}C$for 30 min. Crack formation and development were examined between each heat cycle. The crack behavior was found to be closely related to the stresses in the films. The stress induced by the difference in thermal expansion behavior between the passivation layers and underlying aluminum film may cause the crack. Crack resistance decreases as the thickness of PSG films increases due to the high tensile stress of the films. Phosphorus in the PSG films releases tensile stress and consequently the stress of the films tends to show compressive stress. As a result, crack resistance increased as the concentratin of P in the PSG films increased. Crack resistance in the PE-SiN films also increased with compressive stress. An experimental model to predict crack generation in the PSG and PE-SiN films during heat cycle was suggested.

색소 융모결절종 환자에 시행한 족관절 인공관절 치환술(1예 보고)

하정민,최선진,이창범,하정한,박형택,Ha, Jung-Min,Choi, Sun-Jin,Lee, Chang-Bum,Ha, Jeong-Han,Park, Hyung-Taek 대한족부족관절학회 2010 대한족부족관절학회지 Vol.14 No.1

Pigmented villonodular synovitis (PVNS) is a rare proliferative disease affecting joint synovium, tendon sheaths, bursae. The usual treatment for PVNS is a surgical excision. If destructive joint lesions have occurred, complete resections must be performed followed by arthrodesis or arthroplasty. We report a case of a pigmented villonodular synovitis involving an ankle joint which was treated by total ankle replacement for recurrence after simple synovectomy.

Plasminogen kringle 5 재조합 단백질에 의한 ERK1/2 활성화 및 세포골격 재배열 억제

하정민,김현경,김명래,조영애,Ha, Jung-Min,Kim, Hyun-Kyung,Kim, Myoung-Rae,Joe, Young-Ae 한국생명과학회 2006 생명과학회지 Vol.16 No.7

Plasminogen kringle 5는 plasminogen kringles 1-4로 구성된 내생의 혈관 신생 억제제인 angiostatin과 같이 내피세포의 분열을 강력하게 억제한다고 알려져 있다. 본 연구에서는 plasminogen kringle 5의 재조합 단백질을 효모 발현 체계에서 생산하여 내피세포의 이동에 대한 저해 효과와 이에 대한 작용기전을 조사하였다 재조합 단백질 PK5는 plasminogen의 Thr456에서 Phe546까지 이르는 cDNA 부분을 ${\alpha}-factor$ prepro-peptide의 분비 신호 서열 뒤에 도입하여 Pichia pastoris GS115에서 발현시켰다. 메탄올 유도 후 얻은 배양액을 S-spin column을 이용하여 정제하였다. 정제된 단백질을 SDS-PACE하였을 때 약 10kDa의 단일 밴드를 나타냄을 확인할 수 있었다. 정제된 PK5는 bFGF나 VEGF에 의해 유도된 인간의 제대 유래 내피 세포의 이동을 약 500nM의 $IC_{50}$ 값으로 농도 의존적으로 감소시켰다. 내피 세포에 PK5 500M을 처리한 결과 bFGF에 의해 유도된 ERK1/2의 인산화를 감소시켰다 또한, PK5는 bFGF에 의해 유도된 내피세포의 골격 재형성을 강력하게 억제하는 것으로 관찰되었다. 따라서, 이러한 결과들은 효모 생산 PK5가 내피세포의 이동을 효과적으로 억제하며, 이는 ERK1/2의 활성과 세포골격의 재배열을 억제함으로써 나타나는 것으로 부분적으로 설명될 수 있다. Plasminogen kringle 5 is a potent inhibitor of endothelial tell proliferation like an endogenous angiogenesis inhibitor, angiostatin consisting of plasminogen kringles 1-4. In this study, we produced the recombinant protein of plasminogen kringle 5 (PK5) employing an Pichia expression system and examined its. effect on~endothelial cell migration and its possible inhibitory mechanism. PK5 was expressed in Pichia pastoris GS115 by fusion of the cDNA spanning from Thr456 to Phe546 to the secretion signal sequence of a-factor prepro-peptide. After methanol induction, the secreted PK5 was purified by using S-spin column. SDS-PACE analysis of the purified protein showed one major band of approximately 10kDa. In in vitro migration assays, the purified protein inhibited dose-dependently the migration of human umbilical endothelial cells (HUVECs) induced by basic fibroblast growth factor (bFGF) or vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) with an $IC_{50}$ of approximately 500nM. Accordingly, it inhibited bfGF-stimulated extracellular signal-regulated kinase 1/2 (ERK1/2) phosphorylation in HUVECs at 500nM. In addition, it also potently inhibited bFGF-induced cytoskeletal rearrangement of HUVECs. Thus, these results suggest that Pichia-produced PK5 effectively inhibits endothelial cell migration, in part by suppression of ERK1/2 activation and blocking cytoskeleton rearrangement.

연구보고 논문 : 구법승과 중인도 불교 성지 유적(1)

하정민 ( Jung Min Ha ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2004 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.3 No.-

East Asian pilgrims travelled India not only to study the famous books of Bud?dhism, but also to visit all the holy places of Buddhism. The records that they left behind provide rich and useful descriptions of the sacred spots and objects of Bud?dhism. Since the 19th century, various research in identifying the sacred geography of lndian Buddhism have been indebted to their records. Especially the records of Fa Hian and Huan Tsang are very important sources. There are eight important places, hat could be attached t0 Buddha`s biography in Indian Buddhism: Lumbinni, Bodhgaya, Sarnath, Sravasti, Sankasya, Rajgir, Vaishali, and Kusinagara, Lumbini is a garden located outside the city of Kapilavastu where Shakyamuni was born, Bodhgaya is the renowned place where Shakyamuni obtained enlightenment while sitting beneath the bodhi tree, and Sar-nath is the place of the Buddha`s first teaching. Sravasti, or Saher Maher, is an ancient city that the Buddha had frequently visited, Sankasya is the place where the Buddha descended three ladders in heaven. Rajgir was the metropolis of the country during the time of the Buddha, who had often begged there during the reign of the pious King Bimbisara. Rajgir is also famous for Devadatta` s evildoing: he set loose the drunken and infuriated elephant into the Buddha`s path. But the ele-phant was subdued by the power of the Buddha` s gentleness. Vaishali is one of the Buddha` s favorite places of residence and in Vaishali, monkeys had offered a bowl filled with honey to the Buddha. Finally, Kusinagara is the place of his nirvana. This research contains five sites with the exception of Bodhgaya, Rajgir, and Vaishali. These three sites will be treated in another research. Sarnath is also excluded from this article because Sarnath is treated in another part of this book. Additionally, this article contains Kapilavastu, the palce where the Buddha grew up, and Kausambi, a place which was one of the Buddhist centers in the time of the Buddha. Therefore, this article is to review the previous scholarship focusing on identifying the sacred grounds of Indian Buddhism, and also to show detailed accounts of six sites: Lumbini, Kapilavastu, Sravasti, Sankasya, Kusingagara and Kausambi.

중국(中國) 중세(中世) 초기(初期)에 사용된 불멸기원(佛滅紀元) - 산동성(山東省) 홍정산(洪頂山)의 마애각경(摩崖刻經) 유적(遺迹)을 중심(中心)으로 -

하정민 ( Ha Jung Min ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.116 No.-

Mt. Hongding is located in Dongping, in the southwestern part of the Shandong Province and east of Lake Dongping in Dongping County. Overall, twenty-three inscriptions were carved on the mountain and they are divided into three kinds of texts: Buddhist sutra passages, Buddha names, and historical inscriptions. The carvings at Mt. Hongding are of special importance in the study of the Buddhist texts, as it bears the largest number and greatest variety of carved Buddhist texts compared to those found in other Buddhist carving sites in the Shandong Province in early medieval China. Also, it was at Mt. Hongding that the forms and contents of the mountain sutra carvings created in Shandong during this period were established. Thus, the Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding are considered the terminus a quo of the history of the shandong Buddhist rock carving sutras and it is needed to determine the exact dates of the engravings. Among the inscriptions at Mt. Hongding, four inscriptions carry a date. Only one of them, however, provides us with asecured date, using the standard calendar, which is based upon the dates of the Chinese dynasties. This secured date is found on an inscription, the “Encomium for Fahong.” At the end of the encomium, the date is recorded as “the third year of the Heqing era of the Great Qi Dynasty,” which corresponds to 564 CE. While the encomium for Fahong follows the standard dynasty-based calendar, the other three dated inscriptions at the site use the Buddhist calendar. These three are associated with a monk, Seng’an Daoyi. The first inscription gives the time of its creation: “1623 years after the twin trees of Sakyamuni.” The expression “after the twin trees of Sakyamuni” refers to the nirvana of the Buddha under the twin trees at Kushinagar in India. Accordingly, the date means the colophon was created “1623 years after Sakyamuni [entered into nirvana] under the twin trees.” The second dated inscription records its creation as “1620 years after [Sakyamuni entered into nirvana under] the twin trees.” The third inscription, the encomium for Seng’an Daoyi also uses the Buddhist calendar, but unfortunately the exact year is illegible, reading “16□□ years after Sakyamuni [entered into nirvana] under the twin trees.” Since the Buddhist calendar begins with the date of the Buddha’s demise, calculating the dates seems fairly simple, provided one knows the date Buddha Sakyamuni entered nirvana. Unfortunately, there is no consensus about the date of the Buddha’s demise and the commencement of the Buddhist era and the dating of Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding so it has been subject to debate. There are a large number of theories prevalent in South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. Through thorough examination of earlier scholarship on the date of the Buddhist engravings at Mt. Hongding and more than twenty written theories, ranging from 1085 BCE to 464 (or 486) BCE, which were circulating in early medieval China, this paper suggests that the most likely theory acceptable to the Buddhist community active at Mt. Hongding during the late sixth century was the one asserted by a renowned priest, Nanyue Huisi (515-577). According to him, the date of the Buddha’s nirvana corresponds to 1067 BCE, Based on this caculation, the inscription using Buddhist calendar at Mt. Hongding can be dated to 553 and 556 CE. This paper’s observation that creators of the Buddhist inscriptions at Mt. Hongding adopted Huisi’s calculations on the date of the Buddha’s demise, was not only because Huisi’s number of years is a better fit, but because Huisi’s Buddhist teachings and meditation techniques were related to the contents of the inscriptions at Mt. Hongding. Particularly, it is noteworthy that his writings on meditation emphasize the six paramita and the Perfection of Wisdom (prajnaparamita). This repertoire was observed in Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding and at other sutra carving sites in Shandong during the period. Furthermore, Buddhists who created the Buddhist engraved texts at Mt. Hongding appear to have conducted a certain meditation practice called “one-practiced absorption (yixing sanmei).” Interestingly Huisi actively used the meditation technique, and the period when this type of meditation was practiced by Huisi and his followers fits well within the 550s-560s, the period during which the carvings at Mt. Hongding were created. Also, in the years between 548-552, Huisi was living in Yanzhou, a city in Shandong Province located near Mt. Hongding. The fact that the Buddhist community’s practice and thoughts, as well as the date of Buddha’s demise, overlapped with Huisi’s ideas and teachings in a significant manner demonstrates that Huisi’s teachings and practices were most likely widespread during that period, even in Shandong. Buddhist calendar used at Mt. Hongding, based on Huisi’s caculation, provides us with a significant indication of the Buddhist community’s existence. In the community, some Buddhists were likely inspired by Huisi, adopted his ideas and practices, and further developed them in their own way.

경주 남산 열암곡 마애불입상의 한국 불교조각사적 의의

하정민(Ha, Jung-min) 한국고대사탐구학회 2023 한국고대사탐구 Vol.44 No.-

太宰治의 《愛》의 形態

河廷旼(Ha Jung-Min) 경성대학교 인문과학연구소 1996 일본연구논총 Vol.8 No.-

中國 法界像에 관한 硏究

河定旼(Ha Jung-min) 한국미술사학회 2003 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.237·238

In China, there remains a group of Buddha images that have Mount Sumeru Buddhas, bodhisattvas, the six gatis and other small motifs depicted on their bodies or robes. In this article, this type of images is referred to as fajie xiang (法界像, Buddha of Dharmadh?tu). This term indicates the image of Buddha that contains various elements of the world or cosmos in his divine body or robe, and the ‘fajie' in this term indicates the entire world or cosmos. In previous scholarship, the iconography of fajie xiang was regarded to be either Vairocana Buddha as described in the Avatamsaka S?ira, or a cosmic manifestation of S?kyamuni Buddha. This article argues that the iconography of fajie xiang cannot be determined as one of the two interpretations, and that fajie xiang was first made to represent ??kyamuni Buddha and the iconography was later exploited for the images of Vairocana. ??kyamuni was a historic figure who lived and preached dharma as a human being. After his death, the followers of Buddhism wished to have other Buddhas, which resulted in the belief that numerous Buddhas existed in different places. At the same time, Buddhists sought after a universal Buddha who could encompass the numerous Buddhas of distinctive and limited qualities. In an attempt to solve this problem, there appeared a concept of ??kyamuni as a transcendental being. However, as it was difficult to completely discard the human aspect of ??kyamuni, the notion of transcendental Buddha was complemented by that of Lushena Buddha (盧舍那佛, Buddha Vairocana). which was related to the worship of sun and light. The concept of Lushena did not appear suddenly but was a result of gradual systematization of various ideas about ??kyamuni as a cosmic Buddha rose during the development of Mahayana Buddhism. For the notion of transcendental ??kyamuni developed into that of Lushena, it seems reasonable to assume that the iconography of fajie xiang. which was first made for the universal ??kyamuni, also developed into that of Lushena. The notion of a god bearing the entire world in his body originated from the epic poem Mah?bh?rata dated to about the second century B.C. ??kyamuni attained this quality already in the early stage of Buddhism. The image of ??kyamuni as shown in fajie xiang is affirmed by the texts such as Lotus Sutra (法華經). Da fangbian fo baoen jing(大方便佛報恩經), Guan fo sanmei hai jing(觀佛三昧海經), Dasheng ben sheng xindi guan jing(大乘本生心地觀經). On the other hand, the relation between Lushena and fajie xiang is found in Avatamsaka S?tra(華嚴經). There remains no Indian examples of fajie xiang, and it is plausible that the iconography was formulated in Central Asia or China. When considering the extant images, the making of fajie xiang is dated back to the sixth century. Some painted images are found in the murals of the cave shrines of Kizil and Dunhuang. In these sites, the images of fajie xiang appear as part of larger iconographic programs that aimed to glorify ??kyamuni Buddha, and these examples thus can be regarded as ??kyamuni Buddha. Additionally, there is a sculpted image of fajie xiang that represents ??kyamuni, for the life of ??kyamuni and j?taka are illustrated on the surface of the Buddha's robe. It is in China proper that we find the images of fajie xiang as Lushena. The iconography is affirmed by the inscriptions of 'Lushena'. Although the iconography of fajie xiang was established in late sixth century, almost no images remain since then. The notion of Lushena was significant to Chinese Buddhists until the sixth century, but after the eighth century, Lushena Buddha was replaced by Piluzhena Buddha (毘盧遮那佛), who was advocated in Huayen School(華嚴宗). It seems that accordingly the fajie xiang as Lushena lost its place. However, after the tenth century the fajie xiang of Lushena reappeared. Although they do not have any inscription, they have the mudra of two hands bent outward and the lotus throne with small Buddhas images on its pe

북제(北齊) 산동성 홍정산(洪頂山)에 새겨진 불교 텍스트: 선정 수행을 위한 불교 각경(刻經)

하정민 ( Jung Min Ha ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2016 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.17 No.-

중국 산동성 남서부에 위치한 홍정산(洪頂山)의 절벽 면에는 북제(北齊, 550-577)대에 새겨진 20여 점의 불교 경문(經文), 불명(佛名), 각경 제기(題記)가 현존한다. 산의 절벽 면에 불교 관련 텍스트를 직접 새긴 마애 각경(摩崖刻經)은 북제대에 산동성 남서부 20여 곳의 산에서 활발히 조성된 것으로, 당시 이 지역의 불교 및 불교미술의 큰 특징 중 하나이다. 본고의 중심이 되는 홍정산 마애 각경은이들 중 한 예로서, 불교 승려 승안도일(僧安道壹)과 법홍(釋洪)의 주도하에 대략553년부터 564년에 걸쳐 조성되었다. 홍정산은 산동성의 다른 북제대 마애 각경사이트에 비해 가장 많은 수의 각경을 포함하고 있으며, 각경의 내용 면에서도 가장 풍부하다. 더욱이 홍정산 사이트는 산동성 불교 마애 각경 사이트 중 가장 먼저 조성되었고, 각경의 내용과 형식이 성립된 장소로서, 북제대 산동성 마애 각경의 성립과 발전의 연구에 있어서 가장 주목되는 사이트 중 하나이다. 본고는 홍정산에 새겨진 주요 불교 텍스트와 승려 후원자 및 제작 연대에 대해 조사하여, 홍정산 마애 각경이 승려들의 종교적인 수행을 위해 조성된 것으로 본다. 특히 『문수사리소설마하반야바라밀경(文殊師利所說摩訶般若波羅蜜經)』(이하 『문수설반야경』으로 약칭)에서 선택된 ‘반야바라밀’에 관한 98자 경문은 홍정산 사이트 내에서도 가장 이른 시기에 새겨졌고, 경문 중 유일하게 두 번 반복되어 새겨졌다는 점에서 주목된다. 이 경문은 홍정산뿐 아니라 당시 여러 마애 각경 사이트에서 가장 빈번하게 새겨졌기 때문에, 북제대 산동성 남서부 지역의 마애 각경을 조직한 불교 커뮤니티에서 가장 중시된 경문이었음이 분명하다. 『문수설반야경』에서 98자의 특정 경문이 빈번하게 선택되어 새겨진 요인으로 이 경전이 여러 선법 중에서 ‘일행삼매(一行三昧)’라고 불리는 특정한 선법을 강조하고 있는 점이 지적된 바 있다. 필자도 이 경문의 각경이 그 앞에서 불교 승려 및 수행자들이 일행삼매의 선법을 수행할 수 있도록 돕기 위한 하나의 장치로 제작되었다고 생각한다. 그러나 기존 연구에서는 『문수설반야경』의 일행삼매가 중국에서 실제로 활용된 가장 이른 예를 6세기 말, 7세기 초로 파악하여, 550-560년대에 제작된 홍정산 사이트에서 그 경문이 성행했던 이유를 설명할 수가 없었다. 본고는 이에 남악(南嶽) 혜사(慧思, 515-577)의 교학 및 수행법이 홍정산부근의 불교 커뮤니티와 관련이 있을 가능성을 제시한다. 혜사가 일행삼매의 선법을 540년대 말에서 550년대에 그의 제자들과 함께 실제 수행에 활용하고 있었음은 그가 직접 쓴 선법에 관한 저술과 그와 그의 제자들의 전기(傳記)에서 확인된다. 이 시기는 홍정산에서 마애 각경이 제작되던 553-564년의 시기와 잘 부합한다. 더욱이 혜사는 548년에서 552년 사이에 산동성 연주에 체제하며, 지역 불교 신도들에게 활발한 설법 활동을 펼쳤다. 연주는 홍정산에서 멀지 않은 곳에 위치하므로, 이 시기에 혜사의 사상 및 수행법이 연주와 홍정산 부근의 불교 승려들에게 알려짐으로써, 홍정산 각경 제작에 대해 중요한 영감을 주었을 가능성이 클것으로 생각된다. 그러나 본고는 홍정산 각경과 혜사를 직접적으로 연결해 주는 구체적인 근거가 부족하기 때문에, 혜사가 홍정산 각경에 직접적인 영향을 주었다거나, 또는 홍정산의 각경 제작에 중심 역할을 담당했던 승안도일이 혜사의 제자였을지도 모른다는 식의 주장을 할 의도는 없다. 그렇지만, 홍정산 각경에 표현된 당시 그 지역 불교 커뮤니티의 교학, 사상 및 수행법, 석가모니 불멸일에 대한 셈법 등이 남악 혜사의 그것과 일치되는 점이 많음은 매우 주목된다. 불교 텍스트를 돌 위에 새기는 석경(石經)은 북제대에 산동성에서뿐만 아니라, 북제 수도 업성(업城)을 중심으로 한 주변 지역에서도 활발히 제작되었다. 그러나, 업성 주변 지역의 석경과 산동성 남서부에서 새겨진 마애 각경은 새겨진 각경의 위치, 규모, 선택된 불교 경전의 내용 등에서 뚜렷한 차이가 있어서, 당시 홍정산이 위치한 산동성의 불교 커뮤니티의 불교 교학과 수행법, 그리고 불교 미술의 양상이 수도 업성 주변 불교 커뮤니티의 그것과 차이가 있었음을 알려 준다. 본고는 북제대 홍정산에서 불교 마애 각경을 만들어 낸 이 특정 불교 커뮤니티에 대해 파악해 보고자 하는 하나의 시도이다. 이 커뮤니티는 승안도일을 비롯한 불교 승려들이 중심이었고, 반야 관련 경전의 경문과 다양한 불명을 홍정산의 절벽면에 새겼으며, 『문수설반야경』에서 유래한 일행삼매를 중심 선정 수행법 중 하나로 삼았다. 홍정산의 마애 각경은 중국의 6세기에 다양한 선법을 행했던 그룹들중에서 이 독특한 커뮤니티의 존재를 밝혀 주는 중요한 문화유산이다. This paper addresses the forms and contents of the Buddhist engravings created during the Northern Qi period at Mt. Hongding, which is located in Dongping, in the southwestern part of Shandong Province. The carvings at Mt. Hongding, created during approximately 553-564 CE, are of special importance in the study of the Buddhist texts, as they are considered the terminus a quo of the history of the Shandong Buddhist rock carving sutras. This paper investigates carved sutra excerpts and colophons, discusses the main monk patrons, and explores what the connotations and teachings of the carved Buddhist texts meant to the monk patrons. As a result of my research, I suggest that many of the Buddhist texts served monastic goals. This is particularly true for the excerpts drawn from the Su - tra on the Great Perfection of Wisdom Spoken by Manjus´r- (Saptas´atika - prajna - pa - ramita - , Wenshushili suoshuo mohe bore boluomi), which centers on a certain meditation practice called “one-practice absorption (yixing sanmei).” I argue that this sutra passage functioned as an aid for meditation, and was likely one of the newly emerging Buddhist practices of the period. In fact, several scholars have mentioned that “one-practice absorption” is stressed in the su - tra, and this might explain why the su - tra was repeatedly selected for carving, not only at Mt. Hongding, but also at several other mountains in Shandong during the Northern Qi period. However, these scholars have not been able to prove that the actual utilization of this meditation practice took place in the 550s-560s. My finding is that the renowned priest, Huisi (515-577 CE), actively used the su - tra-based “one-practice absorption” technique, and that the period when this type of meditation was practiced by Huisi fits well within the 550s-560s, the period during which the carvings were created. Moreover, in the years between 548-552, Huisi was living in Yanzhou, a city in Shandong Province located near Mt. Hongding. In addition, Seng’an Daoyi records the production dates using the Buddhist calendar that begins with the date of the Buddha’s demise, and it was Huisi’s dating of the Buddha’s demise that Seng’an Daoyi follows. Nonetheless, this paper neither claims that Huisi was responsible for the creation of the Mt. Hongding inscription, nor argues that Seng’ an Daoyi or the creators of the Buddhist carvings there might have been the disciples of Huisi. However, the fact that the Buddhist community’s practice and thoughts overlapped with Huisi’s Buddhist ideas and teachings in a significant manner demonstrates that Huisi’s teachings and practices were most likely widespread during that period, even in Shandong. Thus, some Buddhists were likely inspired by Huisi, adopted his ideas and practices, and further developed them in their own way, as is seen at Mt. Hongding.

현대 공간의 파사드에 표현된 라이트 아트 특성에 관한 연구

하정민(Ha, Jung-Min),신홍경(Shin, Hong-Kyung) 한국실내디자인학회 2008 한국실내디자인학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.10 No.3