Zigbee환경에서 효율적인 Cluster Header 선출 기법 (pp.346-350)

이주현(Joohyun Lee),이경화(Kyunghwa Lee),이준복(Junbok Lee),신용태(Yongtae Shin) 한국정보과학회 2010 정보과학회 컴퓨팅의 실제 논문지 Vol.16 No.3

현재, Zigbee환경에서 센서 노드는 자원 제약적인 특성 때문에 효율성을 높이기 위한 다양한 연구가 진행되고 있다.[1] 계층적 구조를 가지는 클러스터링 기법은 정보의 중복 전달 방지와 네트워크 확장 용이성을 제공한다.[2] 그러나 클러스터 헤더 선출 시 오버헤드 발생하며 잘못된 클러스터 헤더 선출은 자원을 효율적으로 사용할 수 없다는 한계가 있다. 본 논문에서는 계층적 클러스터링 기법에서 노드의 위치나 에너지 정보를 싱크노드에서 알고 있는 중앙 처리식을 활용하여 거리와 노드의 밀도를 기반으로 하는 클러스터 헤더의 선출기법을 제안하고자 한다. Since sensor nodes have restriction of using resources in Zigbee network, number of study on improving efficiency is currently ongoing[1]. Clustering mechanism based on hierarchy structure provides a prevention of duplicated information and a facility of a network expansion[2]. however overheads can occurs when the cluster header is elected and the election of a incorrect cluster header causes to use resourcesinefficiently. In this paper, we propose that the cluster header election mechanism using distances between nodes and density of nodes in accordance with the operation of the central processing system in which the sync nodes are having information of location and energy with respect to general nodes based on hierachy clustering mechanism.

원예치료가 노인의 자아통합감과 우울에 미치는 영향

이주현(Lee Joohyun),한종대(Han Jongdae),강기영(Kang Giyeong),김경희(Kim Kyunghee),김광식(Kim Kwangsik) 인간식물환경학회 2015 인간식물환경학회 학술대회 Vol.2015 No.추계

초기 嶺南畵派의 화조초충도 연구

李周玹(Lee Joohyun) 미술사연구회 2012 미술사연구 Vol.- No.26

The Lingnan School of painting was formed in the late 19th century in Guangzhou, Guangdong Province. Guangzhou had been China’s only open port since 1757, and contained a large number of Western merchants, artists and bureaucrats. Guangzhou traded most frequently with Britain, which at the time had a mania for collecting Chinese plants amid ongoing developments in botany and horticulture. In response to demand from British botanists, British merchants in Guangzhou collected rare Chinese plants and got Chinese artists to paint them, then sent the paintings on merchant ships to Britain. These pictures portrayed plants, insects and birds of the Guangdong Region. Based on copperplate prints brought by Western merchants from their home countries, Chinese artists in Guangzhou depicted plants and insects in a Western painting style with added details and emphasized three-dimensional effects. These paintings, produced for foreigners with reference to Western painting techniques, were called “export paintings.” Export paintings were produced in the greatest quantities from the mid-19th to the early 20th century, when artists Ju Chao (居巢) and Ju Lian (居廉) were active. The fact that Ju Chao and Ju Lian enjoyed painting the plants and insects of the Guangdong region, and the realistic, sketch-like styles of their paintings, clearly show a correlation with export plant paintings produced in Guangzhou. In the late 19th century, under the influence of the Westernization Movement, Western natural sciences were introduced both in terms of academia and education. Western books were translated into Chinese and botany lectures were delivered in educational institutions. Gao Jian-fu studied Western science and technology at a naval academy (水師學堂) and natural science academy (格致書院). After going to study in Japan, he sketched insect specimens at entomological research institutes, stuffed birds in museums, and plants in botanical gardens and parks. Japanese Sketches, produced by Gao during his period abroad, simultaneously demonstrated the natural historical knowledge he had acquired while in China and influence from Japanese natural historical drawings, as seen in the works of the Maruyama School.

前漢 중기 이후 國家의 인력 이용 방식 변화 - 인력 고용을 중심으로 -

李周炫(Lee, Joohyun) 동양사학회 2020 東洋史學硏究 Vol.150 No.-

This article examines the state’s employment policy in the mid-Former Han 前漢 period from the perspective of the utilization of manpower. The policy enforced during the reign of Emperor Wen 文 had a significant impact on the government’s utilization of manpower; as a result, the state started to hire laborers starting from the reign of Emperor Wu 武. This employment has been shown in both the military sector and in the areas of production, administrative assistance, construction, and transportation. In the military sector, the military service and the corvée were shortened while forced immigration and recruitment were implemented. The state employed workers mainly in the areas of transportation, construction, and public cultivation; in particular, the employment of labor in the transport sector is the most pronounced. Usage of private carriers or private means of transport appears during the reign of Emperor Wu, and the official documents of the Hexi commanderies 河西四郡 show the fact that the state hired J iuren 僦人, the private carriers, to transport goods on a regular basis. In addition, the state hired manpower for construction, repair, and cultivation, and the fact that the workforce was employed in the construction of the Changling 昌陵 showed that the employment of manpower during this period was quite common. In addition, the employment of a workforce by officials indirectly reflects changes in the state’s conception of manpower use. The Siyu 司御 hired someone who could replace his job, and officials hired assistants when they went on a business trip to transport a report or money. Their work was very simple, but it was closely related to the administration of the state. Nevertheless, the Siyu was able to hire a substitute, and officials hired assistants while on a business trip without restriction. In other words, this phenomenon shows a considerable weakening of the country’s existing notion that certain jobs should be assigned to only certain people.

秦·漢 시기 상업 활동의 형태와 그 의미

이주현 ( Lee Joohyun ) 한국중국학회 2021 중국학보 Vol.95 No.-

이 글은 최근에 출토된 법률 자료를 이용하여 진·한 시기 상행위의 형태를 분류하고 그 의미를 살펴본 것이다. 구체적으로는 공간, 주체, 세금의 세 가지 요소를 중심으로 당시 제국이 상행위를 어떻게 파악하고 관리하였는지 알아보고자 하였다. 첫째, 상행위의 공식적인 장소는 시장이었고 진·한 제국은 시장을 전담하는 관서와 관리를 두어 시장을 통제하였다. 그런데 현실에서는 시장 바깥에서 상행위가 이루어지고 있었다. 그러나 시장 바깥의 상행위가 증가하면 백성이 농업보다 상업에 치중하거나 시장의 질서가 흔들릴 가능성이 커지기 때문에, 진 제국은 시장 바깥의 상행위를 한정적으로만 허용하였다. 백성이 大路에서 물품을 판매하거나 향리에서 열흘 이상 장사하는 것은 금지되었다. 시장 바깥에서 열흘 이상 장사하는 것은 생활에 필요한 물자를 간단히 매매하는 정도가 아니라 판매를 專業으로 삼았다고 간주하였기 때문일 것이다. 만일 열흘 이상 장사하기 원한다면 반드시 시장 점포에서 정식으로 상업 활동에 종사해야 했다. 둘째, 상행위의 주체는 상인, 민, 관부로 나눌 수 있다. 열흘 이상 장사하려는 사람이 반드시 시장 점포에 들어가야 한다는 조항은 상인과 시장 사이의 밀접한 관계를 보여준다. 아울러 진의 법률 조항 중 ‘黔首’와 ‘市販’이 대비되는 것은 원칙상 민과 상인이 분리되는 존재였음을 의미한다. 즉, 진·한의 상인은 시장 점포를 점유하고 시장의 장부[市籍]에 등록된 사람들이었다. 단, 상인이 아닌 일반 民도 향리에서 한정적인 상행위에 종사하였으며, 몇 가지 조건이 충족되는 경우에는 타지에 가서 물품을 매매할 수 있었다. 한편 진·한의 官府도 상업 활동에 참여하였는데, 주로 수공업품, 가공품, 불필요한 물품을 民에 판매하는 형태였다. 단 관부의 상행위는 판매 이익, 민간 산업에 대한 통제, 물품의 원활한 조달 등 여러 목적을 지니고 있었기 때문에 이익만을 염두에 둔 일반의 상행위와는 구별된다. 셋째, 진·한 시기 상행위에 부과된 세금은 市租로 명명되었다. 진·한은 시장의 상인에게 시조를 징수하였는데, 漢代의 시조는 황제의 財源으로 이용되었기 때문에 그 逋脫은 엄격히 금지되었다. 시조가 판매 액수를 기준으로 정해졌을 것이라는 기존의 관념과 달리, 최근 공개된 자료는 시조가 판매 품목을 기준으로 매월 일괄 산정되었을 가능성을 제시한다. 진·한 제국은 시장 제도를 온존하는 동시에, 현실에 존재한 예외적 상황에 대응하려 하였다. 이러한 점에서 볼 때 새로 발견된 시장 관련 법률 조항은 융통성의 발휘한 결과물로 이해할 수도 있지만, 그 ‘융통성’은 기존의 시장 제도를 최대한 해치지 않는 동시에 물자 유통을 해결할 수 있는 선에서 조절되었다고 보아야 할 것이다. This paper classified the form of commercial transactions using recently unearthed legal documents and examined its meaning in Qin-Han period. In particular, this paper examined how the Qin-Han Empire understood and managed commercial transactions, focusing on three factors: space, principal agent, and tax. First, the official place of commercial transactions was the market(市). Qin-Han Empire controlled the market with government offices and administrations. In reality, however, commercial activities were taking place outside the market. The empire allowed only limited commercial activity outside the market, as an increase in commercial activity would increase the likelihood that the people would focus on commerce rather than agriculture or disrupt the market order. People were prohibited from selling goods on the main street or from doing business in their hometowns for more than 10 days. The business outside the market for more than 10 days may have been regarded as a full-time business, not just a simple sale of commodities needed for living. If a person wanted to do business for more than ten days, he or she had to do business in the marketplace. Second, the principal agent of commercial activities can be divided into merchants, subjects, and government departments. The law clause that a person who wants to do business for more than 10 days must enter a market store shows the close relationship between merchants and the market. The general subjects, not merchants, also engaged in limited commercial activities in the residential area. If several conditions were met, they could trade goods in other regions. Meanwhile, the Qin-Han government also participated in commercial activities, mainly in the sale of handicrafts, processed goods, and unnecessary goods to the people. However, the sale of goods by the government had various purposes, such as profit from sales, control over the private industry, and smooth procurement of goods. Thus, the sale of goods by the government was distinguished from the general sale of goods. Third, taxes levied on commerce during the Qin-Han Empire were named Shizu (市租). The Qin-Han Empire collected Shizu from the merchants of the market, which was used as the emperor's private expense. Contrary to the conventional notion that Shizu would have been set based on the number of sales, recently released legal documents suggest that Shizu may have been calculated monthly based on the item sold. The Qin-Han Empire tried to keep the market system intact while responding to the exceptional circumstances that existed in reality. In this regard, the newly discovered market-related legal provisions may be understood as a result of flexibility, but the 'flexibility' should be considered to have been adjusted to address the distribution of goods without hurting the market system.

화가의 자화상 : 18세기 揚州畵派의 작품을 중심으로

李周玹(Lee Joohyun) 미술사연구회 2006 미술사연구 Vol.- No.20

Yangzhou was economically and culturally most vital city in 18th century China. The prominent painters in this city-Gao Fenghan, Hua Yan, Jin Nong and Luo Pingproduced their self-portraits, and put down long inscriptions on their works, which indicate a rising self-consciousness and individualism of the artists of 18th century. There are more than a half-dozen surviving portraits of Gao Fenghan(1683~1749). The images of these self-portraits reflect the eventful life of the painter. As a son of provincial scholar, he could receive a fair education on art and poetry. However, he failed in his civil examination several times, until he became a minor bureaucrat in Anhui Province in 1728. The earliest self-portrait of Gao Fenghan is dated to 1727(Fig. 1). Gao portrayed himself leaning on a rock at the edge of a seaside cliff, gazing turbulent sea and pine-clad rocky islands below and at the approaching lonely crane. Gao Fenghan contemplates his own seeming fate of strenuous isolation as if viewing from a last foothold of the ordinary world an abyss of chaos beyond the bounds of the familiar. A Turning point came in 1737. With his right hand disabled, probably the result of his imprisonment, which also marked the end of his official career, the artist was forced to begin a new life as a professional painter. In the album leaves of 1737 The Jade Screen and the Ethereal Resonance the beared artist, stands before us, his right hand holding a staff(Fig. 8). Tremulous strokes, the result of his uncertain control of his left hand, are evident everywhere, yet the total effect bears considerable charm. In Hua Yan(1682~1756)’s work of 1727 at age forty five he portrayed himself in a natural setting, seated on the ground and leaning against a rock by the side of a stream(Fig. 11). According to Huashi zupu(The Geneology of the Hua Clan), “Hua had to forsake his aspiration for the civil examination and make his living through his skill with the brush, because his family was poor …… in 1717 he travelled to the capital, and was befriended by a prominent official.” However according to his poem in his anthology Ligouji, he failed to become an official in Beijing and return to Hangzhou to begin his life as a professional painter. In the long inscription on his self-portrait, Hua identified his ‘feeble look’ with a ‘meagre crane’, his ‘aloof and uncompromising spirit’ with a ‘frosty cypress’. Jin Nong(1687~1764) was a multifaceted cultural figure as a poet, art connoisseur and calligrapher, as well as painter. Jin Nong also engaged in a broad variety of artrelated commercial activities: locating antiquities, serving as a professional connoisseur, inscribing inkstones and lanterns and selling paintings for a living. There were at least nine Jin Nong’s self-portraits from 1759 with recorded inscriptions. These were presented to his friends of various social status. Two of them were dedicated to buddhist monks while the other three were given to his disciples Luo Ping, Xiang Jun and the merchantpoet, Zhu Erting. The single work, which was handed down today is Walking with a Staff of Jin Nong dated to 1759.(Fig. 15) It is large and imposing in size, with a profile figure of Jin Nong shown holding a staff as if walking from the viewer’s left toward the right. The staff seems to point directly at the long inscription. According to the inscription, the work dedicated to his friend and seal carver Ding Jing, and the artist used the one-stroke method(baimiao fa) of Lu Danwei for the drapery and face. Luo Ping(1733~1799) is one of the most prominent disciple of Jin Nong. As a young talented artist Luo could establish himself in Yangzhou. However after the death of his master Jin Nong, Luo’s activities were centered in Beijing. The decade of the 1770s was particularly productive and successful, with a wide acquaintance in prestigious circles assured by the dual circumstances of his mentor Jin Nong’s lingering renown and the sensation caused by his own Fascination of Ghosts(Guiqu tu) scroll. Luo’s second sojourn in Beijing began in the summer of 1779. Luo Ping’s self-portrait called Coir Raincoat and Rain-hat of Bamboo Splits was completed during his second sojourn in Beijing(Fig. 16). The style is in many respects unexpected in its concern with a strong modelling of the facial planes with ink and colors. According to Luo’s inscription, the self-portrait reflects one of the alternates personae that Luo Ping adopted, the fisherman-Elder Zhang Zhihe, who was a military official and later retired to a life of wondering aboard a worn-out boat, styling himself the Old Fisherman of Mists and Waves. Luo Ping, who aspired to be a literati in his ideal identified himself with the well-known poet and hermit Zhang Zhihe in his self-portrait.

오픈소스 소프트웨어의 법적 위험을 최소화하기 위한 무기체계 소프트웨어 개발 프로세스 개선 연구

이주현(Joohyun Lee),최진영(Jinyoung Choi),김명호(Myungho Kim) 한국정보과학회 2016 한국정보과학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2016 No.6

한국 전쟁 기 북한을 방문한 중국화가들

이주현(Lee, Joohyun) 한국미술사교육학회 2015 美術史學 Vol.- No.30

한국전쟁이 발발하여 1950년 10월 중국 인민지원군의 참전이 결정 된 후 다양한 중국 화가들이 군인, 작가, 혹은 신문사 기자 신분으로 북한을 방문하여 전투장면, 진지 내부의 모습, 병사들의 초상, 북한의 풍광 등 전방과 후방의 모습을 묘사하였다. 이들 중 하공덕(何孔德), 주조명(周祖銘), 조증명(曹增明) 등 인민지원군12군 문예공작단 미술대 (人民志願軍12軍 文藝工作團 美術隊)의 작가들은 사천성미술학원 출신의 젊은 미술가들로 구성되었으며, 마조인(馬兆仁), 손견광(孫見光) 등 지원군 정치부 문화부 (志願軍 政治部 文化部) 소속의 화가들은 중앙미술학원의 미술간부훈련반 출신의 젊은 화가들로 구성되었다. 이들의 주된 임무는 중국인민지원군의 사기를 진작시킬 연환화를 제작하고 병사들의 초상화를 그리는 것이었다. 이들은 <황계광(黃繼光)>, <양국량(楊國良)> 등 ‘전쟁영웅’의 칭호를 부여받은 병사들의 전장에서의 활약상을 주제로 작품을 제작하였으며, 전투기간 중 진지를 방문하여 일반 병사들의 초상화를 그리거나, 미군포로의 초상화를 그리기도 하였다. 특히 이들이 그린 북한농민과 유격대원의 초상화, 북한 농촌을 그린 풍경화는 1950년대 북한의 모습을 기록한 귀중한 자료라 할 수 있다. 한편 중국문학예술가연합(中國文學藝術家聯合)이 파견한 방조대표단(訪朝代表團)에는 고원(古元), 나공류(羅工柳) 등 중앙미술학원에서 교편을 잡고 있던 작가들이 포함되었다. 이들이 제작한 소묘작품은 공산당 기관지인 인민일보(人民日報)에 실려 인민지원군의 활약상을 중국 내에 전해주었다. 중국의 북한 원조는 정전이 된 이후에도 지속되었는데 5차례나 파견되었던 대규모의 부조위문단(赴朝慰問團)을 예로 들 수 있다. 위문단에 포함되었단 장조화(蔣兆和)는 사실적 수묵 인물화를 통하여 전쟁 중에 죽어간 젊은 병사들의 초상을 제작하였다. 중국화가들이 제작한 작품이 전쟁을 시각화한 기록적 측면이 있는 것도 사실이나 대부분의 작품은 중국의 한국전쟁 참전을 정당화하고 항미원조(抗美援朝) 운동의 선전을 위해 정치적으로 활용된 측면을 간과 할 수 없다. 신생 사회주의국가인 중국에게 한국전쟁은 민족주의 감정의 고양을 통해 국가적 결속력을 강화시킬 수 있는 구실과 동력을 제공하였다. 중국은 미국과의 첨예한 대립 속에서 일종의 총력전 태세를 구축함으로써 개국 초기 권력의 기반을 다질 수 있었으며, 한국전쟁에서 제작된 대량의 작품들은 이러한 신중국 내에서의 미술의 역할을 예시적으로 보여준다 하겠다. 중국화가들은 전장 체험을 통해 귀국 후 걸출한 화가로 성장할 수 있었다. 정홍류, 하공덕, 주조명 등은 혁명군사박물관 창작실 소속의 화가가 되어 군사관련 소재를 전문적으로 제작하는 대표적 군려화가(軍旅畵家)로 성장하였으며, 나공류, 후일민, 오필단, 고원 등은 전장에서 제작한 소묘를 공산당 기관지인 인민일보에 실음으로써 화가로서의 위상을 한층 높일 수 있었다. 체험을 바탕으로 한 이들의 창작태도와 사실적 회화 기법은 1950년대와 1960년대 중국 화단에 유행한 사회주의 사실주의 회화 미학에 토대가 되었다 할 수 있다. After The Korean War broke out on June 25. 1950 chinese troops had entered the war on North Korea’s behalf by October. The Chinese government, who needed propaganda for the legitimation of the participation in Korean War, mobilized the young artists under the slogans of “Support North Korea against America(抗美援朝)”, and sent them to the battlefield. He Gongde(何孔德), Zhou Zuming(周祖銘), Cao Zengming(曹增明), who graduated from Sichuan(四川) Academy of Fines Arts were attached to the 12th Division of Army, while Lei Zhengmin(雷正民), Ma Zhaoren(馬兆仁), who graduated from the Beijing Central Academy of Fines Arts were sent to the Cultural Section of the Politic Department of the Central Military. Their main mission was drawing the scene of battlefield, and taking portraits of the various war heros. The representative heros such as <Huang Jiguang(黃繼光)>, and <Yang Guoliang(楊國良)> were portrayed several times with dramatic chiaroscuro in a diagonal composition, so that their dauntless achievement could be visually emphasized. Wellknown artists Gu Yuan(古元), Luo Gongliu(羅工柳), Wu Biduan(伍必端) were also sent to North Korea. They had sketched the gruesome ruined city and the orphan and widows of North Korea to demonstrate the violence caused by american air force. Their works were appeared in the news paper Renmin Ribao and spread out the whole China. The sketches, oil paintings and water colors created by chinese artist during their stay in North Korea could be observed in two aspects. The numerous portraits - chinese soldiers, male and female North Korean guerrilla, farmers and kids on the countryside of North Korea ? were executed in realistic technique which they learned in the Academy. They show us the sceneries filled with the people and landscape of 1950s so correctly, that they could be served as a painted documents. At the same time a lot of manipulated sceneries were also painted by chinese artists in North Korea. Often the anecdotes related to the war heros are illustrated in exaggerated, over-dynamic composition. North korea women and children were often described as a symbol of weakness and helplessness. This kind of works demonstrate how they were served as a materials of political propaganda for the chinese government during the war time.

독일인이 본 근대 한국

이주현(Lee, Joohyun) 한국근현대미술사학회 2011 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.22 No.-

Among the Germans who visited in Korea up to 1929 the lawyer and Sinologist Baron Paul Georg von MOllendorf(1847-1901) is one of the significant figure. He had been sent to the korean court at the end of 1882. He not only acted for opening up the country for trade with the West, but he collected korean art works and various kinds of cultural properties enthusiastically, and sent them to the Folklore Museum in Leipzig. In one of the letters which has been preserved, von MOllendorff mentions that he had used a “collecting plan” sent to him by the Museum to guide him in selecting which objects to acquire. Taken altogether 15 different functional categories were intended to give the Museum as wide-ranging a picture as possible of Korean everyday life during the 80s of the 19th century. Von MOllendorff’s collection concentrated in its selection of objects on the everyday life of Koreans. Anything which was too big or too expensive to be transported in its original size was sent as a model. Religious life played no role in this collection. Historical objects were relegated to the category of “Curiosities”. Von MOllendorff probably bought the great majority of the objects from local shopkeepers or craftsmen. The numerous porcelain artifacts reflect the taste of the 2nd half of the 19th century in their form and patterning. The Hamburg merchant H. C. Eduard Meyer(1841-1926), director of the trading company H. C. Eduard Meyer & Co. with branch offices in Korea Sechang Yanghaeng, was the first Consul General of Korea. As a great admirer of korean culture he collected various kind of Art crafts and donated them to Folklore Museum in Hamburg. More than a third of the collection, namely 949 objects, stem from Eduard Meyer. He donated ten Korean coins, three celadon bowls and a white porcelain dish to the Museum in April 1895. This donation was followed in 1907 by another, much larger one. And in 1908 and 1909 he sold further extensive collections to the museum. An exchange of letters with Meyer gives the impression that he consigned almost his entire stock of Korean artifacts to the museum in this way. Besides paintings, prints, ceramics and some lacquerwork, Meyer had also collected comprehensive examples of Korean folk culture. The palette ranges from textiles via weapons to padlocks, dried medicinal herbs and braided paper cords. Here we find agricultural implements alongside single nails, rank badges and printing dies, toys as well as tools. The Benedictine Missionary Norbert Weber (1895-1956) was the Archabbot of St. Ottilien monastery. In 1911, Norbert Weber visited Korea to see the first successes of the mission in Korea. In the following four months Abbott Norbert travelled throughout the country, developing a remarkable interest in its history, religion and culture. His detailed account of his travels, which he published under the title Im Lande der Morgenstille (In the Land of the Morning Calm), his sketches, watercolour paintings and photographs all bear witness to his efforts to gain a comprehensive view of an ancient culture which was threatened with the impending loss of its identity under the pressure of modernization. Abbott Norbert had already purchased (art) objects explicitly intended for the Mission Museum in St. Ottilien during his first Korean trip: The inventory book, which unfortunately has gaps, records a total of 65 objects of everyday use, including a number which are remarkable in terms of their art historic significance, as well as garments, given to the Museum by Norbert Weber in 1912. His second trip in 1924/25 to Korea also took Archabbot Norbert Weber to the centre of Korean Buddhism, the Diamond Mountains. From this derives the title of Weber’s second book In den Diamantbergen Koreas (In the Diamond Mountains of Korea) in 1927, in which he describes his experiences. Once again, the Archabbott used the opportunity to buy objects for the Mission Museum. Most of the high-quality historic wo

릴레이가 있는 셀룰러 시스템 상향링크에서의 공간재사용

이주현(Joohyun Lee),손규호(Kyuho Son),전정호(jeongho Jeon),정송(Song Chong) 한국통신학회 2008 한국통신학회 학술대회 및 강연회 Vol.2008 No.4