조선 선조대 남북 분당과 내암 정인홍

우인수(Woo, In Soo) 부산경남사학회 2011 역사와 경계 Vol.81 No.-

남북분당의 과정을 남북 갈등의 조짐, 갈등의 심화로 인한 분당, 대립의 고착이라는 세 단계를 설정하여 각 단계별로 분석하면서 파악하였다. 남북분당기에 발생한 사안에 관한 서로 다른 견해에 대해 그 의미를 검토하고 음미하는 방법을 통해 남북분당 과정을 재구성하면서 종합하는데 의미를 두었다. 특히 단계별 남북분당의 과정에서 보인 정인홍의 역할에 주목하여 이를 통해 그의 영향과 위상을 드러내고자 하였다. 먼저 동인 내부의 남북 갈등의 조짐이 있었던 시기는 선조 13년으로부터 선조 22년 기축옥사가 일어나기 전까지의 기간으로 설정하였다. 이 시기 갈등의 조짐이 된 사건들에는 여러 사람이 상호 복잡하게 얽혀 있었다. 이발과 우성전, 정인홍과 우성전, 이경중과 정여립, 정인홍과 이경중을 둘러싼 여러 가지 갈등이 그러한 예였다. 하지만 이러한 갈등은 분당으로까지 치달을 정도로 심각한 단계는 아니었다고 생각된다. 이 시기의 정인홍도 다소 경직된 면은 있었지만 공무를 강직하게 수행한다는 차원에서 이해될 수 있는 활동을 한 시기로 볼 수 있다. 선조 22년의 기축옥사는 동인을 남북으로 분당시키는 지경으로까지 치닫게 하였다. 정여립의 모역사건을 계기로 만연된 옥사는 동인과 서인 뿐아니라 선조까지 깊숙이 개입하면서 후일 북인으로 분류되는 많은 사람들이 억울하게 처형되는 참혹한 화로 확산되었다. 이 과정에서 화를 주로 입은 측의 인사들은 옥사를 만연한 상대당인 서인은 물론이거니와 이를 적극적으로 구원하지 않고 관망하는 자세를 보였던 같은 동인의 일부에 대해서도 점차 반감을 가지게 되었다. 정인홍과 류성룡, 이산해와 류성룡, 이경전과 정경세 간의 갈등으로 심화되면서 동인이 결국 남인과 북인으로 나뉘게 되었다. 임진왜란이 거의 극복되어갈 무렵인 선조 31년 북인들이 대대적으로 남인의 우두머리 영의정 류성룡을 집중 공격하여 실각시키면서 대립 양상은 절정에 달하게 되었다. 북인들은 명에 보내는 변무 사행에 류성룡이 자청하지 않은 점을 거론하여 체직을 시킨 다음 남북분당의 책임, 임난 때의 주화론 주창 등의 책임을 집중 공격하여 관작을 삭탈케 하는데 성공하였다. 그 외의 남인 인사들이 함께 조정에서 몰려났음은 물론이었으며, 임난 중 의병 활동을 하다가 과로사한 우성전의 관작까지 삭탈시켰다. 정인홍은 이러한 남인의 공격에 직접 나서거나 또는 문인을 통하여 공격하는 간접적인 방법으로 일익을 담당하였다. I analyze the process of the split between Namin and Bukin party in three phases: signs of the conflict between Namin and Bukin party, party split caused by increased conflict, and settlement of opposition. I value to reconstruct the process of the split party by investigating the issues occurred during the period of the split. Special attention is given to Jeong, In-Hong’s role throughout the stages of the split. First, I define the period which shows the signs of the conflict between Namin and Bukin as King Seonjo’s thirteenth year to twenty-second year. I analyze the various conflicts between Lee, Bal and Woo, Sung-Jeon, Jeong, In-Hong and Woo, Sung-Jeon, Lee, Kyung-Jung and Chung, Yeo-Rip, and Jeong, In-Hong and Lee, Kyung-Jung. During this period, Jeong, In-Hong performs his official duties with integrity although he has the tendency to be a bit inflexible. The conspiracy to treason in the King Seonjo’s twenty-second year resulted in the party split in Dongin party. The incident spread by Chung, Yeo-Rip’s treason sacrifice the many innocent people of the Bukin party. In this process, the most victimized Bukin party gradually begins to feel hostile towards some Dongin party who takes a wait-and-see attitude, not to mention Seoin party who are the main reason of the spread of the incident. After all, Dongin party is divided into Namin and Bukin party after the deepened conflicts between Jeong, In-Hong and Ryu, Sung-Ryong, Lee, San-Hae and Ryu, Sung-Ryong, and Lee, Kyung-Jeon and Chung, Kyung-Se. In the last stages of Japanese Invasion of Korea in King Seonjo’s thirty-first year, the sentiments of opposition reach an extreme when Bukin party extensively overthrows the prime minister Ryu, Sung-Ryong, the head of Namin party. Bukin party succeeds in removing Ryu, Sung-Ryong from the government by intensively bashing Ryu’s responsibilities of Pacifism during the Japanese Invasion and the party split between Namin and Bukin party. Naturally, Namin party is expelled from the Court as well. Jeong, In-Hong plays an important role in attacking Namin party by directly involving himself or by indirectly attacking through disciples. The Party Split between Namin and Bukin party is established by undergoing above process. And Jeong, In-Hong is the key force in the course, which proves his historical status in the split.

기획논문 : 역사 속의 고령과 고령 사람들 ; 고령(高靈) 해촌동약(海村洞約)의 특징과 동민(洞民)의 결속

우인수 ( In Soo Woo ) 경북대학교 퇴계연구소 2008 퇴계학과 유교문화 Vol.42 No.-

이 논문은 19세기 초 경상도 고령의 매촌리에서 실시된 매촌동약을 분석한 글이다. 동약을 주도한 매촌리의 양반인 고창 오씨들은 몰락한 북인의 후예였다. 선조말 광해군대 북인정권의 핵심으로 정계 진출한 오여은과 익환 부자가 인조반정으로 인해 귀양을 가게 되면서 이 가문은 큰 타격을 받았다. 이후 그 후손들 중 일부가 고령의 매촌리로 들어와 황폐한 땅을 개간하면서 정착하게 되었다. 이곳에서 자중하면서 차츰 힘을 길러 동약까지 만들어 실시할 수 있게 되었다. 현재 고창 오씨 종가에 보관되어 있는 매촌동약은 고령 현감 한광선의 서문, 오경정의 서문, 30개 조항의 동약 절목, 그리고 ‘梅坪船突記事’로 구성되어 있다. 동약의 내용은 공동 기금의 마련과 관리, 동약의 조직과 운영에 대한 것이 기본적으로 들어가 있다. 특징적인 것은 부세의 공동납과 관련한 조항과 환난에 대한 상호 부조 조항이다. 특히 초상과 관련한 조항은 모두 8개 조항에 달할 정도로 강조하고 있는 부분이다. 이에 비해 교화와 관련한 내용은 매우 소략하였다. 이는 하층민의 성장과 저항에 기인한 것으로 18세기 이후 동약의 일반적인 현상이었다. 그러면서 일상생활에 직접적인 도움이 되는 쪽으로 변해가고 있는 동약의 모습을 잘 보여주고 있는 매우 중요한 사례이다. 동약을 주도한 주인공인 오경정은 ‘船突’을 만들어 매평들을 살리는 작은 토목 공사를 완성시켰다. 돌로 바닥을 다진 인공 도랑을 새로 개설함으로서 장마시 계곡물을 급속히 들판 외곽의 하천으로 내보낼 수 있도록 하였다. 이렇게 하여 들판을 계곡물의 범람으로부터 보호하는 개가를 올렸던 것이다. 이는 그가 주도하여 만든 동약을 통한 주민의 결속의 결과로서 평가할 수 있는 것이었다. 결국 매촌동약은 양반들의 일방적 통제나 지배가 어려운 당시 향촌의 현실을 잘 보여주는 것임과 동시에 향촌에서 우위를 확보하려는 양반들의 치열한 노력도 잘 나타내주고 있다고 하겠다. This article analyzed Maechondongyak(梅村洞約;regional regulations in Maechondong) which was practiced in Maechonlee(梅村里), Koryoung(高靈) in Kyongsang district in the early 19th century. The Ohs, aristocrat, descended from ruined Northern doctrinal faction was leading Dongyak(洞約;regional regulations). However, Oh Yeo-eun and his son, Oh Ik-hwan, who launched into politics as major power of the Northern doctrinal district in the reign of late king Seonjo and king Kyanghyegun, were banished because of king Injo’s restoration. This event was a heavy blow to the Oh’s. Since then, their part of descendants went to Maechonlee in Koryoung and settled there cultivating devastated land. Being prudent with less political activity the family recovered its power and they reached to make Dongyak and practiced it. Maechondongyak(regional regulations in Maechondong), currently stored in the Oh’s head house, consists of preliminary remarks, 30 provisions, Maepyungseondolkisa(梅坪船突記事), a record about artificial ditch in Maepyung field. The contents of Dongyak included basically arrangement and management of pool, the structure and management of it. Characteristic parts are articles about joint payment of taxation and mutual assistance when they went though hardships. Particularly, when it comes to mourning there are 8 articles in total and this shows how they layed emphasis on that part. Otherwise there were few clauses dealing with edification. This phenomenon reflects that power the lower classes hold was getting stronger. Considering that it was general tendency. This phase is quite important in that it gives clues that Dongyak was been changing more practical and directly helpful to people’s life. Oh Kyung-jung, a leader of Dongyak(regional regulations), made artificial ditch so as to complete small public works to save Maepyung field from flooding, when it is a spell of rainy weather, it became safer that flooding water sent to a outer river in a plain by establishing an arti- ficial ditch, paved its bed with stone. By this way, they built stacks preventing fields from being ruined from flooding. This is rated as a result of unions of inhabitants and it was based on Dongyak(regional regulations), leaded by Oh Kyung-jung. In conclusion, Maechondongyak(regional regulations in Maechondong) reflected the reality which was hard for the nobility to control and go- vern residents with lopsided way. Also, we can see intense efforts of upper classes to achieve predominant position in country districts.

1749년(영조 25) 蔚山邑誌 《鶴城誌》의 편찬과 그 의미

禹仁秀(Woo In-Soo) 한국사연구회 2002 한국사연구 Vol.117 No.-

Several towns published their geography in the 17th century. That trend were expanded all over the country. Hahkseongji(鶴城誌), the Geography of Ulsan was compiled in 1749 by the atmosphere, The compiling of that Geography started in 1735. At that time some aristocrats of Ulsan proposed to the country headman. They arranged much data and completed manuscript of the Geography, Correction of manuscript was entrusted the country headman. In more than 10 years that Geography was completed, Unfortunately that completed Geography didn't exist. But the manuscript of that Geography passed from hand to hand in the headman's house, That manuscript of Ulsan Geography consisted of 34 items. It is highly possible that Ulsan Geography was influenced by Kyungju Geography. The Ulsan Geography included all kind of informations about Ulsan in 18th century. Especially one noticeable thing is the expanding of the persons' item. The dutiful sons. daughters and the virtuous women were more abundant than in the other Ulsan Geography published before or after. The persons registered to the Ulsan Geography were mostly powerful aristocrats in Ulsan. They let widely know and respect their ancestors through registering their ancestors' names in the Geography. In this way they confirmed what they should be and what they should do. That's why they proposed publishing the Ulsan Geography. An other noticeable thing in the Ulsan Geography is item of customs. This item described people's customs and play in detail. It is not easy to find other examples. That's meaning of the Ulsan Geography.

19세기초 自如道 驛人의 구성과 그 실태

禹仁秀(Woo In-soo) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.201

This thesis research on Census register of Jayeudo(自如道) stations, which was discovered quite lately. Census register of Jayeudo stations was framed in 1804 and discovered after Kimcheondo(金泉道) and Songrado(松羅道) were found out. It was pretty useful to study a state and organization of single station district thanks to its absolutely good preservation without any defect. This thesis is quite meaningful to analyze station district and introduce it to the academic world for the first time. Jayeudo stations, one of 11 station district in Kyeongsang(慶尙) province, had competence over a subordinate office of Kyeongsang province area nearby Kimhea(金海) and Changwon(昌原). And it was about 15 stations including Jayeudo station, the major one. The scale of station was various. For example, while about 2,000 station workers served in major station, there were only 300 workers or even 50 worked in substitute station. Here, I'll introduce some facts found out from studying Census register. Structure and organization of early 19th century's all Jayeudo station workers could be revealed from the study. Classifying them into official clerks of station, servants and Ilsu(日守), here's some brief explanation for each. Official clerks of station, part of the station workers, were classified into regular clerks of station(元驛吏) and irregular clerks of station(流驛吏). There were 3,415 in total and regular clerks of station were 2,519 which is about 73.80% while irregular clerks of station were 896, 26.2%. The fact that there was discrimination between regular clerks of station and irregular clerks of station seems to prove that some needs to distinguish official clerks of station between themselves were raised, And researching surnames of official clerks, I could find out there were two or single major family names in each station, It seems this feature stems from their characteristics, aboriginal inhabitation and heredity of their jobs. A residential district of station clerks tended to be close to where their workplace, a station, was located. And their age, between grownups and young people, showed a ratio of 55 to 45. After adjusting for age, I could find out that they, purposely, reported their age younger than real trying to postpone a burden of obligations, which belongs to their offsprings. The population of station servants between station workers was quite small. In Jayeudo stations, the major one, there were only 146 servants and usually there were none in substitute stations. The proportion of males to females in Jayeudo station was in the ratio of 6 to 4. According to research about social status of parents of station servants, a source of their supply were mostly in case their maternal line were female servants, Also, based on lots of cases, I could find out that most of the female servants married to commoners, which means marriages between two individuals from different social position were kinds of common affairs at that time. The population of Ilsu was small, just same as station servants. Except 36 people who belongs to Jayedo station, the major one, there was almost no one in substitute stations. And unlike station servants, not any certain people from same family name were majority. It seems they were employed rather than being transmitted by heredity.

제 7차 교육과정 高等學校 國史敎科書의 내용 분석

禹仁秀(Woo In-Soo) 역사교육연구회 2002 歷史敎育 Vol.84 No.-

This study analyzed the content of high school Korean history textbook based on the 7th school curriculum. This new textbook has some distinctive features different from the former textbook. One of the characteristic feature of this new textbook is to make space for deepening study for higher level students. Second, this new textbook is sorted by a historical classification system into four parts ; a political history, an economic history, a social history and a cultural history. Third, this new textbook draw attention visually through many colorful pictures, maps, grapes, chronological tables of Korean history and so on. Especially it is helpful in giving plentiful explanatory notes in the margin and inserting the original material for a full understanding. Last, this new textbook is written in a very polish and clear style, so it is helpful for learners to understand the historical facts well. However, this new textbook has some demerits. First, this new textbook is not helpful in developing learner"s ability to think historically. Second, a period - classified expression for the late period of Chosun dynasty is indistinct in this new textbook, for we don"t use the term of the modem history for the late period of Chosun dynasty obviously. When the former textbook covered the whole period from the ancient history to the modem history, it didn"t become an issue. But this new textbook covers up to premodern history, it becomes an issue. Third, the structure of this new textbook is a little poor because of inserting the modern history under the pressure of the critical public opinion. As a result, the new textbook make the explanation of the modern history short and rough, so it is inappropriate with the explanation of the rest period of the book. In conclusion, I would like the Korean history course to be a required subject and to take up more school hours in the school curriculum. And also we need many persuasive papers to realize the necessity of the teaching history.

자율주행용 영상센서 모듈 기술 동향

우인성(Inseong Woo) 한국자동차공학회 2018 오토저널 Vol.40 No.6

17세기 산림의 진출과 기능

우인수 ( In Soo Woo ) 역사교육학회 1983 역사교육논집 Vol.5 No.1

인조대 산림 장현광의 정치적 활동과 위상

우인수(Woo, In-Soo) 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2013 한국학논집 Vol.0 No.52

명의신탁 관련한 형사법적 쟁점 개관

우인성(Woo In Sung) 충북대학교 법학연구소 2015 法學硏究 Vol.26 No.2

I think, except some cases that the “Act on the Registration of Real Estate under Actual Titleholder's name”(below abbreviated as ‘Actual Name Law’) allows, the nominal trust agreement is not the trust relationship worthy of being protected by Criminal Law, even though the nominal trust is not Kondiktio wegen verwerflichen Empfanges. And the recent decision(2010do10500) changed the precedents about the non-punishable subsequent act. It held that, if the trustee took out mortgages two times or more from the same real estate under the nominal trust that Actual Name Law allows, the subsequent act could be punished. It means that the subsequent act constitutes the crime of embezzlement and is not absorbed in the preceding act of taking out a mortgage. I agree with the result, but the act of taking our mortages should be assessed as a criminal breach of trust, not as a embezzlement. In the other part, the nominal trust about the movable things were dealt with.

TiO₂ 촉매를 이용한 플라즈마 반응에 의한 SOx의 분해

우인성(In-Sung Woo),이건덕(Gun-Duck Lee),박성국(Park Sung Gug) 한국열환경공학회 2009 한국열환경공학회 학술대회지 Vol.2009 No.춘계