대한제국기 개성지역 삼업(蔘業) 변동과 삼포민의 대응

양정필(Yang Jeong-Pil) 大韓醫史學會 2009 醫史學 Vol.18 No.2

This thesis examines a crisis of ginseng capital and the source of crisis during Daehan empire(大韓帝國). After the China-Japan war of 1894, the Japanese merchants actively engaged in taking over the ginseng fields, so that ginseng-cultivating Koreans suffered substantial economic losses. After the Russo-Japanese war, the Japanese imperialists undertook the ‘Currency Arranging Business’(CAB) in order to set a cornerstone for their invasion of Korea. The CAB eventually provoked a wide depression which in turn produced massive number of Korean merchants going bankrupt. The Kaesong merchants were no exception, since CAB stroke a severe blow on the ginseng industry, which relied heavily on the commercial capitals of the Kaesong merchants. Moreover, the Japanese imperialists broke the previous promise and bought ginseng at a dirt-cheap price, which put ginseng-cultivating Koreans in serious trouble. In order to combat such crisis, ginseng field-owners protested against such injustice by petitioning or stirring up Kaesong popular riot in vain, and consequently the number of ginseng field-owners decreased sharply. A few of the ginseng field-owners survived, and managed to maintain and even flourish more than before. These successful owners were characterized with their strong link with the official circle, utilizing their influence in ginseng industry. Their original background was not identical as some came from the influential families of Kaesong area for generations, while others made their own fortunes and continue to prosper through the difficult times of the late of the Daehan empire period.

근현대 지역사 연구의 현황과 전망

양정필 ( Yang Jeong Pil ) 역사문제연구소 2007 역사문제연구 Vol.- No.17

Recently, the public and the scholars have been getting more and more interested in studies of regional history, especially the history of those regions in modern and contemporary periods. There are several reasons. First, the advent of local self-governments and their administration have been helpful to that rising of interests. Heads of the autonomous local governmental offices who were elected in those regions are generally either very much interested or well-versed in the historical and cultural traditions of the regions they are located in. Second, the historical studies of regions in the early days mostly dealt with the history of social movements, but after the Socialist states collapsed and democracy has fostered in Korea, scholars` interest shifted from examining the history of `movements` to examining the history of the `society`. Third, the first generation of scholars who majored in modern and contemporary historical studies have been hired at local universities since the early 1990s, and armed with their own interests in the local regions` history, they are leading the historical studies of local regions. Fourth, those scholars started to raise questions regarding the general beliefs that in some cases were not really based upon hard evidence or logical explanation. To them, historical studies of local regions are very important in either validating or negating a specific belief that dominated the public`s perception on several issues. And fifth, group studies dealing with interdisciplinary themes and funded by the Korea Research Foundation are in many cases concentrating upon regional historical issues. Regarding the definition of `Regional history`, which term, either `regional history` or `local history`, to be accepted was the main topic in related discussions. But considering the nature of the definition issue and types of studies that have been presented so far, the term should not be determined based upon geographical terms such as `region`, `local area`, or `central`, but rather be determined by the relationship between historical studies of regions and the general Korean history. For types of historical studies of regions, there can be `local history in itself`, or `regional history as case studies`, or `regional history as key historical area studies`. The objective of the first type should be raising the level of understanding of the history of a particular local region. The objective of the second type should be elevating the level of accuracy and verification in many areas of Korean historical studies. The objective of the third type should be deepening our knowledge regarding historical places which served as important stages in the history of the Korean economy or for the movements launched by the Korean people. The primary target of interest in these studies may be the local regions, but those regions have all been involved in important historical events, so results of those studies should contribute to enriching the sheer volume of Korean historical studies. For the past 10 years, studies of regional history in the modern and temporary periods showed huge developments. And the results were announced through special columns in academic journals, books and doctoral dissertations. Each of them differs in individual objectives and methodologies, but they are all continuing under the aforementioned objectives and hopes, and are related to at least one of the three types of studies examined right above. Active studies of the history of local regions should let the public understand and know the history and identity of those regions, and enormously contribute to the development in Korean historical studies.

조선전기 정부의 제주도 출륙 포작인 인식과 정책 -포작인의 난민적 성격을 중심으로-

양정필 ( Yang¸ Jeong-pil ) 제주대학교 탐라문화연구원 2021 탐라문화 Vol.- No.67

성종대 이후 바다를 기반으로 살아가던 제주인 이른반 포작인 다수가 육지로 떠났다. 이 글에서는 이 포작인에 대한 정부의 인식과 정책을 살펴보았다. 포작인은 유민의 일종이다. 따라서 그들은 쇄환되어야 했다. 그러나 성종대에는 쇄환 정책을 유보하거나 시행하더라도 한계가 많았다. 쇄환을 하지 않으면 그들을 평민으로 만드는 정책, 즉 齊民化 정책을 시행해야 하는데, 이 역시 제대로 이루어지지 않았다. 그 결과 포작인은 한 동안 호적에 등록되지도 않고 공식적으로 세금과 군역도 부담하지 않는, 국가 통치권 밖의 존재로 남아 있었다. 정부가 포작인을 이런 상태로 둔 이유는 바다를 터전으로 살아가는 그들을 추쇄할 수 없다는 현실적 제약이 컸다. 여기에 연해 고을 수령들이 경제적 측면에서 포작인으로부터 해산물을 조달할 수 있어서 쇄환에 소극적이었다. 아울러 당시까지만 해도 제주도는 인구 과잉이어서 제주도의 지방관들도 출륙 포작인의 쇄환에 소극적이었다. 중종대에는 잦은 왜적의 침입을 방어하고 물리치는 데 포작인의 해상 능력이 필요하였다. 그래서 포작인들 중 일부는 수군으로 등록되어 활동하였다. 그들은 평민으로 편입된 것으로 볼 수 있다. 그러나 다수는 여전히 통치권 밖에 남아 있었다. 또 쇄환 정책도 실시되었다. 그러나 수군으로 편입된 경우 그들의 가족 등이 쇄환에서 제외되는 등 정책 시행 과정에서 한계가 많았다. 이 역시 당시 조선이 포작인의 해상능력을 필요로 하였기 때문이다. 이처럼 포작인은 유민이어서 쇄환되거나 제민화 정책이 시행되어야 하지만, 그것은 유보되거나 한계가 많은 채로 시행되었다. 그 결과 성종-중종 대포작인은 조선의 통치권 밖에서 살아갈 수 있었다. 이러한 포작인의 존재 양태는 지금으로 보면 난민적 성격을 강하게 띠는 것이었다고 하겠다. Since the reign of King Seongjong[成宗], many Jeju people who lived based on the sea had left for the mainland of the Korean Peninsula. They could be callec Pojakin[鮑作人]. This article examines the government's perception and countermeasures against Pojakin. The Pojakins are a kind of displaced persons. Therefore, they should be sent back to Jeju Island. However, during the reign of King Seongjong, the repatriation policy had many limitations, so it postponed or implemented. Then the king should implement policies that make them citizens. However, this had also not been implemented properly. For some time, the Pojakins were not registered in the family register and did not pay taxes or military service. They remained living outside the sovereignty of the state. The reason why the government left the Pojakin in this situation was that they could not catch them living in the sea. At that time, Jeju Island was overpopulated, so even local officials in Jeju were not active in the process of bringing out of the country. During the reign of King Jungjong[中宗], the naval capabilities of the Pojakin were needed to defend and defeat frequent Japanese invasion. Therefore, some of them were registered and active in the navy. They could be seen as incorporated into the common people. However, many Pojakins remained outside their sovereignty. As such, Pojakins were displaced people and should be repatriated, but they were not repatriated. As a result, the Pojakin were not incorporated into Joseon's people for a long time and lived outside of their sovereignty. These Pojakins were, from the present point of view, strongly characterized as refugees.

16세기 제주도의 위기와 流民 증가 그리고 출륙금지령

양정필(Jeong-Pil Yang) 제주학회 2023 濟州島硏究 Vol.59 No.-

15세기에 제주도의 경제적 상황은 나쁘지 않았다. 그러나 16세기 들어서 제주도는 위기에 처하였다. 16세기 초반에 제주도에서는 흉년이 계속되고 전염병이 빈발하였다. 그 결과 굶어주고 병들어 죽는 사람이 많았다. 또 제주도 지방관들의 失政과 탐학도 이어졌고, 進上도 가중하여서 제주도인의 삶은 피폐해졌다. 무엇보다 여러 재난이 짧은 기간에 연이어 발생하여서 위기를 극복할 수 있는 시간적 여유가 없었던 것이 상황을 악화시켰다. 위기의 여파로 제주도에서 살 수 없다고 판단하고 본토로 떠나는 유민이 증가하였다. 16세기 전반에 사망자와 유민의 증가로 제주도의 인구는 격감하였다. 당시는 왜적의 침입이 빈발하여서 제주도를 방어하는 것은 중요하였다. 조정에서는 제주도의 인구 격감을 심각하게 받아들이고 인구를 회복시키기 위한 정책들을 추진하였다. 우선 제주도를 떠나 본토에서 떠도는 유민들을 쇄환하였다. 그리고 삼남 지방의 사람들을 제주도로 들여보내 인구를 늘리려는 논의도 있었다. 이러한 대책에도 불구하고 제주도의 위기와 인구 감소는 극복되지 못했다. 16세기 후반에 제주 목사들은 제주도인의 본토 출입을 통제하였다. 제주도인은 목사가 자신의 부정행위가 알려지는 것을 우려해서 출입을 막는다고 생각하였다. 그렇지만 그 시책은 결과적으로 제주 유민의 발생을 막고 제주도의 인구 감소를 억제하는 효과가 있었다. 그래서 정부에서는 1629년에 제주 목사의 시책을 공인하여 출륙금지령을 내린 것으로 이해된다. In the 15th century, the economic situation in Jeju Island was not bad. However, in the 16th century, famine continued and infectious diseases occurred frequently. So many people starved and died sick. Also, local officials in Jeju Island did not manage well. In addition, the tax burden increased, making the lives of Jeju Islanders even more impoverished. Jeju Island was unable to escape the crisis as several disasters occurred in a short period of time. Those who judged that they could not live in Jeju Island began to leave Jeju Island. As the number of deaths and displaced people increaseds, the population of Jeju Island decreased sharply. The Government took this seriously. Because at that time, invasions of Japanese pirates were frequent, so it was important to defend Jeju Island. So the government pushed for policies to restore the population. First of all, the refugees who left Jeju Island and wandered from the mainland were repatriated. There was also a discussion to increase the population by bringing people from the southern regions into Jeju Island. Despite these measures, Jeju Island's crisis and population decline had not been overcome. Meanwhile, in the late 16th century, local officials of Jeju controlled Jeju Islanders from entering the mainland. the policy had the effect of preventing the occurrence of Jeju refugees and curbing the population decline in Jeju Island. Therefore, in 1629, the government authorized the Jeju official's policy and imposed a ban on Jeju people from leaving the island.

탐라의 대외 교류와 이어도

양정필(Jeong-pil Yang) 제주학회 2017 제주학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2017 No.2

The indigenous people of Jejudo Island find the term “Ieodo” very familiar. Ieodo is an imaginary island. However, an ocean research station named after the fictitious island was opened off the southwestern coast of Jeju in 2003, drawing keen attention to the submerged rock in the area ever since. Some argue that Ieodo refers to the very rock. However, it is still generally accepted that Ieodo and the rock are two separate sites and the former only exists in one’s imagination. This paper conducts a comprehensive examination into the orally-transmitted local legend of Ieodo and the foreign affairs of Tamna (the ancient name of Jeju) during the Mongolian intervention period in an attempt to identify if it was possible that the Tamna people had been aware of the existence of Ieodo. The legend of Ieodo takes place during the late Goryeo era while the ancient Korean kingdom underwent the Mongolian interference in its domestic affairs. An elucidatory note in a local folk song about Ieodo details the location of the place. The orally-transmitted tune sings that Ieodo can be reached in four to five days’ voyage to the southwest of Jeju by wind-powered boat (Pungseon). It can be interpreted that the location of the rock currently called Ieodo (and the Ieodo Oceanic Research Station over it) overlaps with that of Ieodo. A possibility does exist that the ancient people of Jeju knew about the existence of the underwater rock. To verify the possibility, this paper investigates the situations around Tamna while it was under the Mongolian influence as well as its interaction with the world overseas. By that period of time, Tamna’s inhabitants had already become capable of building a large vessel. Furthermore, a direct sea route already existed between Jianan (south of Chian’s Yangtze River) and Goryeo during the Southern Song China period, even before the Mongolian Yuan influenced Goryeo’s national affairs. The said seaway, when sailing to and from Gaegyeong (the capital of Goryeo), had a stopover at Heuksando Island off the southwestern tip of the Korean Peninsula. If stopping off in Tamna, the direct route between China’s Jianan and Tamna could easily be navigated. In fact, the leaders of the Yuan Dynasty had understood Tamna resident’s values. At the beginning of the intervention period, they paid attention to the military value of the island. To put it in other words, Tamna drew attention as a military outpost that could be used to subjugate Southern Song China and Japan. Even after the empire’s failed invasions of Japan in the 14th century, the Mongolian Kingdom established a state-run horse ranch, still recognizing the values of the Tamna people. Presumably, Tamna sent the horses from the ranch as a royal tribute to the Yuan Dynasty. The horses were transported to Jianan through a direct sea route. This can be proved easily because many documents still exist that are directly or indirectly related to this historical fact. In short, it can be inferred that Tamna was directly accessible from China in the Mongolian intervention period while the Tamna people used the route to travel to and from China’s Jianan. How would the foreign affairs of Tamna at the time relate to Ieodo? When examining the correlation between the use of the direct sea route and the issues regarding Ieodo, an importance should be placed on the fact that the submerged rock called “Ieodo” is located along that particular route. This paper deduces that some of those Tamna people who sailed to Jianan learned about the existence of the submerged rock when undergoing an accidental wreck caused by the very rock.

일제하 개성의 한국인 상권과 그 특징

양정필 ( Yang Jeong Pil ) 역사문제연구소 2012 역사문제연구 Vol.16 No.1

Imperialism ultimately generated colonial new cities with various patterns and features or colonial restructuring of traditional cities, which were necessary to govern colonies. It was generally the colonizing powers who dominated politics and economic control of colonial cities. Japanese imperialism was no exception, as it carried out its own reorganization program in colonial Korea. However, Korean merchants, notably in Gaesung, continued to maintain commercial strength despite Japanese challenge. Gaesung traders have always represented merchant groups in Joseon. From their traditional origins, Gaesung merchants have managed to control commerce in their city even when the flood of foreign traders and modernization, such as organs of transportation, communication, and finance, swept across Korea. This phenomenon was highly exceptional, which led to many accounts during the colonial era. These records included ethnic ratio of Gaesung merchants, both Korean and Japanese taxpayers and tax amount, ethnic composition of members of Gaesung Commerce and Industry Association, not to mention press articles. By examining these documents, it is factual that Korean merchants overwhelmed their Japanese counterparts in colonial Gaesung. Gaesung merchants` continuity of commercial control during the colonial period was not the legacy of coincidence, as they indeed have possessed sufficient competitive edge which was based on their centuries of commercial heritage. To be more precise, they have started their career back from mid-15th century, and subsequently developed their unique business culture after years of trials and errors. Merchant reproduction systems such as apprentices and pedlars, local credit system of sibyun(時邊), ginseng as core commodity, and high standard of bookkeeping rules were such examples. Although these commercial cultures have been formed and developed during the traditional times, they have continued to flourish regardless of introduction of modern economic practices in the early modern period. Thus, Gaesung merchants have executed their economic activities based on traditional commercial practices and also simultaneously adopting to modern economic environment, which efforts have indeed produced considerable competitiveness, and eventual preservation of Korean commercial control in Gaesung. Therefore, Gaesung`s case in colonial Korea is significant as it clearly shows that Joseon merchants did enjoy very high degree of commercial culture.

근현대 개성상인의 경제조직 시론 ―3대 상업제도와 3대 사업부문을 중심으로―

양정필 ( Yang Jeong Pil ) 역사문제연구소 2008 역사문제연구 Vol.12 No.2

In the Korean history, no merchant family or a merchant organization which had been successful during the Joseon dynasty period continued to prosper under the colonial ruling. Activities of enterprisers who were successful in the Japanese occupation period seem to have never dated back to the era before 1876. Yet the Gaeseong region merchants, whom to be primarily examined in this article, continued to be successful in their businesses for over five hundred years, since the early half of the Joseon dynasty period and through the Japanese occupation period. As we all know, the Gaeseong region merchants were the representative group of merchants in the Joseon dynasty period. Yet there have been so little studies and researches done upon the changes they went through, either after the opening of the country, or during the Japanese occupation period. As a result, it is unknown to us what kind of merchant power they would have had under the colonial ruling. Analysis done by this essay indicates that although the Gaeseong region merchants have gone through many changes, they still rose successful during the occupation period. The reason for their success, even under colonial ruling, is explored in this article through three business areas and three economic devices. The former includes normal commercial activities, Jinseng farms[蔘圃] managements and landlord managements. The latter includes the Shibyeon(時邊) finance, the Chahin Dongsa(差人同事) practice, and the Sagae Songdo Bugi(四介松都簿記) register. What turned out to be exceptionally crucial for their success were the Jinseng farms, the Shibyeon finance and Chahin Dongsa practices. Other merchant groups which thrived in the Joseon dynasty period, such as the Capital area merchants or the Pyeongyang region merchants, did not have these elements at their disposal or failed to efficiently utilize them. And that was one of the reasons why the Gaeseong merchants were so successful under colonial ruling, while other merchant groups were not so lucky and actually withered during the occupation period. Jinseng farms managements has been a monopolized asset of the Gaeseong merchants since the 1820s. The Jinseng farms managed by the Gaeseong merchants achieved the capability to compete with other foreign entities with their products, and therefore were able to remain solidly successful even under colonial ruling. Since the 1920s, Gaeseong merchants continued to collect profits, which mounted to the average of 20 hundred thousand Korean won annually, through the Jinseng farms managements. The Shibyeon finance was actually a civilian financial organization, which was also only accessible to the top wealthy people, actually only about 150 people among the Gaeseong merchants. Under colonial ruling, the interest rate of this Shibyeon finance was higher than that of the banks. But loaning from this finance did not require security(presenting a mortgage was not necessary), the loaning process was extremely brief, participants got to become not only loanees but also loaners, and various mechanism were in place to prevent financial losses. So even under colonial ruling, the Shibyeon finance kept operating and continued to be accessed. Gaeseong merchants were able to resolve many of their financial problems by accessing Shibyeon. And the amount of money that moved in the early 1930s is presumed to have ranged from 30 hundred thousand to 80 hundred thousand Korean won. The Chahin Dongsa practice was a mechanism to train and raise Gaeseong regional merchants. In Gaeseong, teen boys generally got a job as unpaid errand boys in other people`s shops. They worked there for about 10 years without being paid, and acquired skills and techniques necessary to become a merchant. In the meantime, the shop owner would monitor and examine what kind of talent the boys possessed that would define their future as businessmen. Only few of those errand boys were selected by the owners and become Chahin figures, which was a term that referred to businessmen who initiated their own business with the investment of the shop owners they had been serving. Most of them lived in major cities throughout Korea, and tended to their own businesses. And very few of these Chahin figures succeeded as big time merchants. Number of these Chahin figures in the 1930s is estimated as roughly 2 thousand. The Gaeseong merchants used these three business areas and three economic devices to the best of their abilities, and as a result, emerged victoriously. The merchant power of the Gaeseong merchants in the 1930s are generally believed to have been one billion Korean won.

개항기 경제 변동과 개성상인의 활동

양정필(Yang, Jeong-Pil) 역사실학회 2014 역사와실학 Vol.55 No.-

Text. During the Joseon dynasty, locally-based merchant groups were thriving, namely those based in Seoul, Gaesung and Pyeongyang. So examining the destiny of those people in the midst of new economic changes in the post-1876 era will be of substantial historic significance. Previous studies have concluded that Seoul merchants did not cope successfully against the rapid economic fluctuation of those times, whereas the existing patterns of those based in Gaesung or Pyeongyang are still lacking research to this day. Therefore, I have looked into the respondence of Gaesung merchants to such changes in the main body of this paper. Traders in Gaesung, unlike their counterparts in Seoul, were adapting well to the new environment and their economic power was neither reduced nor dwindled. There were few factors to their success. First, they were producing red ginseng, which was an export commodity with a competitive edge. Red ginseng exports persisted during the Opening of Ports era, thereby acquiring high profit. In other words, Gaesung merchants indeed have possessed a definite source of income. Secondly, a majority of Gaesung entrepreneurs ventured into new commercial centers. Distribution cores were shifting, and Gaesung merchants reacted swiftly to demonstrate a high level of accommodation ability to new circumstances. Furthermore, they have connected treaty ports-oriented trade structure to traditional coastal and inland trade networks so as to maintain their commercial influences. Lastly, Japanese were actively advancing into Gaesung itself, so that local Korean merchants were forced to compete with Japanese adversaries in their own homeground. However, since Gaesung merchants held an impressive record in terms of adapting to modern economic system, they have managed to withstand the penetration of Japanese businessmen. Such situation could also be ascertained by the fact that Koreans were dominating the Gaesung market during the colonial period. Hence, it is evident that adapting patterns of traditional merchants in post-1876 era were not identical. Those based in Gaesung went through better accommodating process than Seoul traders. Gaesung merchants with their successful records were now facing colonial period ahead to adjust and survive once more. But based on their activity during the Opening of Ports era, we can have faith in their potential in the subsequent times as well.

19 세기 개성상인의 자본전환과 삼업자본의 성장

양정필(Jeong Pil Yang) 연세사학연구회 2002 學林 Vol.23 No.-

N/A

일제강점기 제주도민의 초등교육기관 설립 활동 연구

양정필(Jeong-Pil Yang) 제주학회 2022 濟州島硏究 Vol.58 No.-

일제강점기 제주도민들은 스스로의 힘으로 다수의 개량서당을 설립하였다. 그 수는 1920년대 후반에 50여 개, 1939년에 69개에 이르렀다. 개량서당은 대개 마을 주민들의 노력으로 세워지고 운영되었다. 마을 주민들은 개량서당을 보통학교로 승급시켰고, 나아가 6년제 공립학교로 발전시키기도 하였다. 학교 설립 활동은 지역별로 편차가 있었다. 북제주의 해안 마을에서 활발하였고 북제주의 중산간 마을과 남제주 마을들을 상대적으로 부진하였다. 이러한 편차는 대개 마을 간의 경제력 격차에서 비롯되었다. 당시 제주도에는 해녀의 물질 수입과 재일 제주인의 송금이라는 큰 수입원이 있었다. 해안 마을은 이 두 부문의 수입이 많아서 경제력이 우세하였고, 이를 바탕으로 초등 교육기관 설립에서 앞서 나갈 수 있었다. 제주도 마을이 지닌 강고한 공동체 문화도 학교 설립에 도움이 되었다. 제주도 마을의 주민들 사이에는 경제적 격차도 적었고, 신분제적인 제약도 거의 없었다. 그리고 오랜 기간 서로 혼인 관계로 맺어지면서 서로 가족, 친족과 같은 깊은 유대감을 갖고 있었다. 강고한 공동체 문화는 마을 단위 학교 설립 과정에서 주민들의 협력을 이끌어내 는데 큰 역할을 하였다. In Japanese colonial era, Jeju residents established a number of Kaeryang seodangs on their own. These Kaeryang seodangs are equipped with facilities equivalent to ordinary schools. Jeju residents promoted the school to ordinary School. School establishment activities were most actively carried out in coastal villages in Bukjeju. On the other hand, the villages in Bukjeju and Namjeju were relatively inactive. The reason for this difference is that the difference in economic power between villages should be considered first. At that time, Jeju Island had two large sources of economic income. One was the material of the haenyeo and the other was the remittance of Jeju residents in Japan. Coastal villages were more active in these two factors than in other regions, so their economic power was relatively dominant, and based on this, they led the establishment of elementary education institutions. The strong community of Jeju Island's village also helped establish a school. Modified Seodang was built on a village-by-town basis and was impossible to operate without the cooperation of villagers. The fact that many improved seodangs were built shows that the bond between the residents of Jeju Island was strong. As such, the establishment of an elementary education institution developed in Jeju Island, Japanese colonial era, is significant in that it itself shows the educational enthusiasm and educational activities of Jeju residents. And furthermore, such activities were possible in the economic, socio-cultural background of Jeju Island.