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안상철(Ahn Sang-Cheol),이주희(Juhee Lee) 한국음운론학회 2008 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.14 No.1
This paper examines the loanword adaptation patterns for laryngeal features in English, Thai and Korean. To this end, we observe how the English laryngeal features are adapted in Thai and Korean, and move on to the adaptation pattern of Thai words in Korean. Certain points are shared while others show disparities among these three languages. English and Korean belong to the aspiration type(Ahn & Iverson 2004), while Thai has the voicing distinction which Korean lacks. Furthermore, both Korean and Thai show three-way laryngeal contrast in stops. In this paper, we will claim that the loan adaptation of laryngeal features heavily depends on the language typology. More specifically, we argue that the phonemic vs. phonetic mapping patterns can be decided based on the laryngeal typology of the target and the recipient languages.
안상철 ( Sang Cheol Ahn ) 경희대학교 언어연구소 2007 언어연구 Vol.24 No.2
The purpose of this paper is to show how various types of phonological variations can be accounted for within the framework of Optimality Theory. Here I will specifically show how relevant constraint ranking relationship can be adjusted to account for the optionality of certain constraints or subsequent variations. To this end, I will first introduce the recent approaches to the phonological variations (Hammond 1994, Nagy & Reynold 1997, Anttila & Cho 1998, Anttila 1997, 2002, Hong 2006, etc.). I will then compare these accounts with the so-called Stochastic Optimality Theory (Boersma 1997, Hayes et al. 2003, Hayes & Londe 2006, etc). Based on this introduction, the main part of this paper will be spared to the stochastic account by Hayes & Londe (2006) demonstrating how the variational behavior of Hungarian vowel harmony can be dealt with within this stochastic framework. Finally, it will be suggested how Stochastic Optimality Theory can be extended to the description of various phonological variations occurring in Korean phonology. (Kyung Hee University)
A cyclic optimality analysis of polish vowel alternation
Sang-Cheol Ahn(안상철) 한국음운론학회 2006 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.12 No.3
This paper provides an Optimality-theoretic analysis of the vowel alternations in Polish nasal stem verbs which are closely related with the so-called “abstract” yer vowels. In traditional rule-based approaches (Gussman 1980, Rubach 1984, etc.), there has been much controversy regarding the analysis of yers since we need to rely on some sort of abstract analysis like absolute neutralization (Kiparsky 1973a,b, Gussman 1980). For this purpose, the framework of Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1995) is employed for a satisfactory analysis. During the analysis, however, it will be shown that the parallel versions of OT (McCarthy & Prince 1995) cannot account for the complexity of the various vowel alternations in conjugation of nasal stem verbs as we need intermediate derivational cycles even in OT analyses. Therefore, employing the framework of Derivational Optimality Theory (Rubach 2000a, b, 2003), I will show how correct outputs can be obtained for the vowel alternation of Polish nasal stem verbs. Finally, I will show that other cyclic version of OT, Transderivational Correspondence Theory (Benua 1997), cannot be maintained in this case study.
안상철(Ahn Sang-Cheol),이성민(Sung-Min Lee) 한국음운론학회 2005 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.11 No.1
This paper provides a unified analysis of the three types of diachronic palatalization processes in Slavic which vary chronologically and geographically. To this end, we employ the frameworks of Optimality Theory (OT, Prince & Smolensky 1993) and Derivational Optimality Theory (Rubach 2000a, b, 2003). Specifically, we first review the phonological characteristics of the phonemic systems of Common Slavic and the three major modern Slavic languages, i.e., Russian, Polish, and Bulgarian. Then, within the serial version of Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1995), we analyze the three palatalization processes which occurred from the Common Slavic period till the development of three main branches, East, West, and South. In this paper we provide a phonological account of the cause and the consequence of those palatalization processes. Finally, we extend our analysis to the explanation of the synchronic palatalization processes in Modern Russian and Polish. Here we propose to employ the serial version of OT, i.e., Derivational Optimality Theory for a unified analysis of both diachronic and synchronic processes since the parallel version of OT would impose special devices such as different constraints or ranking to handle both cases together.
안상철 ( Sang Cheol Ahn ) 경희대학교 언어연구소 2006 언어연구 Vol.23 No.1
In this paper, I will introduce the characteristics of OT-CC, a new version of Optimality Theory(McCarthy 2006) and then discuss the merits and perspectives of this new proposal. To this end, I will first compare the outline of OT-CC with that of the "classic" OT (Prince & Smolensky 1993, McCarthy & Prince 1995, Benua 1997, etc.). I will then show the merits of OT-CC in analyzing of several long-standing problems, such as impossible mapping and opacity. Here, it will be shown how we incorporate the derivational steps (such as candidate chains) into the framework of Optimality Theory. Finally, I will discuss the possible perspectives of this theory in comparison with other versions of OT, such as Derivational OT (Rubach 2000a, b, 2003a, b) and a cyclic version of OT (Ahn 2006a,b).
Towards an optimal account of diachronic chain shifts Ⅱ : French vowels
안상철(Sang-Cheol Ahn) 한국음운론학회 2004 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.10 No.3
This paper shows how chain shifts in the development of the French language can be accounted for by employing Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1995) in conjunction with Dispersion Theory (Flemming 1995). To this end, I will present a major diachronic chain shift of French vowels which does not obey one of the general principles of chain shifts shown in Labov (1994). To be more specific, I will argue that the initial cause of the overall shift can be found in a non-phonetic factor, e.g., socio-geological contacts with neighboring languages. I will then show how this chain shift can be accounted for in terms of the phonetic naturalness and the functional role of the distinctiveness of contrasts. Furthermore, as the well-formedness of the vowel system cannot be evaluated in isolation, the overall result is obtained by the pattern evaluation of the adjacent vowels (Flemming 1995, 2001a, b, Ahn 2002a, b, 2004). The OT account will then be extended to the allophonic variation in Parigot, the Parisian dialect of contemporary French. Here I will claim that the raising and fronting of the back vowels can be accounted for in a similar trend, i.e., with respect to phonetic and functional factors. Therefore, both diachronic and synchronic changes are accounted for in a uniform way as both changes may have been triggered by a drag chain, rather than by a push chain as claimed earlier by Martinet (1952, 1955). The only difference between the two chain shifts is in their triggers: the diachronic changes were initiated by the socio-linguistic factor, i.e., contacts with other languages, while a functional/phonetic factor triggered the fronting of the mid lax vowel responsible for the subsequent changes in Parigot. Nevertheless, both changes can be accounted for in a functional way, based on a pattern evaluation within Dispersion Theory.