십이지장 게실 천공의 치료 2예 보고

송상현(교신저자) ( Sang Hyun Song ) 대한소화기학회 2015 대한소화기학회지 Vol.66 No.3

Duodenal diverticula are common, but perforated duodenal diverticulum is rare. Because of the disease rarity, there is no standard management protocol for perforated duodenal diverticulum. To properly manage this rare complication, a clear preoperative diagnosis and clinical disease severity assessment are important. An abdomino-pelvic CT is an unquestionably crucial diagnostic tool. Perforation is considered a surgical emergency, although conservative treatment based on fasting and broad-spectrum antibiotics may be offered in some selected cases. Herein, we report two cases of perforated duodenal diverticulum, one case managed with surgical treatment and one with conservative treatment. (Korean J Gastroenterol 2015;66:159-163)

사우디아라비아 ‘비전 2030’의 경제적·정치적 배경과 향후 과제

송상현(Song, Sang Hyun) 한국중동학회 2019 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.40 No.2

Saudi Arabia a typical rentier state generating about 90% of government revenue and 30-40% of GDP from oil exports. In the mid-2010s, Saudi Arabia is experiencing unprecedented economic and political challenges. Low oil prices caused by the ‘Shale Revolution’ makes oil rich Kingdom’s dominant position as a price controller in the world oil market weaker and it is predicted that low oil prices will be continued for a long time. Low oil prices since the half of 2014 have caused economic difficulties recording a decrease in GDP, massive fiscal deficit, and the fall of Saudi Arabia’s net foreign assets. In addition to the increase of its population, high unemployment rate of young Saudi nationals is a key for Prince Muhammad bin Salman to sit on the throne in the near future. As the efforts to overcome these political and economic challenges, he announced on 25 April 2016 “Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030.” This paper tries to assess the efforts of the Saudi government in diversifying its economy. In addition, it will look into the political and economic background of implementing “Vision 2030” and discuss the future of this unprecedented economic reform.

상거래의 국제화와 상법의 과거 현재 미래

송상현(Sang Hyun Song) 한국해법학회 1992 韓國海法學會誌 Vol.14 No.1

N/A

분화 갑상선암의 경부 림프절 전이 및 원격 전이 발견에 있어서 <SUP> 99m</SUP>Tc-tetrofosmin, <SUP>131</SUP>I Whole Body Scan과 Thyroglobulin 혈중 농도의 의의

송상현(Sang Hyun Song),박흥규(Heung Kyu Park),박연호(Yeon Ho Park),이정남(Jeong Nam Lee),김종호(Jong Ho Kim),이영돈(Young Don Lee) 대한외과학회 2002 Annals of Surgical Treatment and Research(ASRT) Vol.63 No.5

Saudi Bureaucratic System and Its Influence on Oil Policy in the 1980s

송상현(Song Sang Hyun) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2016 중동문제연구 Vol.15 No.3

The unique characteristics of the Saudi bureaucratic system, the so-called “spoke and hub” bureaucratic system, have strained the implementation of Saudi economic policies. During the first half of the 1980s, Sheikh Zaki Yamani, the Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources, tried to implement its long-term oil policy. Therefore, Saudi Arabia undertook the role of swing producer by reducing its oil production and sustaining a certain level of oil prices. However, Yamani’s oil policy autonomy was severely disturbed by other ministers’ independent interests during this period. Because of the increasing interference from other ministries in this period, Yamani’s oil policy lost its authority within OPEC. The research will demonstrate how this unique Saudi bureaucratic system undermined policy autonomy, particularly Saudi oil policy, in the first half of the 1980s.

요르단 무슬림 형제단의 정치적 성공과 위기요인 분석

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2015 지중해지역연구 Vol.17 No.3

Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the movement in Jordan has successively promoted its agenda and message in the Jordanian society. At the beginning of the movement, its conservative Islamic ideals were well matched with the political needs of the Hashemites to check potentially political opponents. As the Muslim Brotherhood effectively provided support for the sovereignty of the monarchy whenever the regime encountered political challenges, it could benefit from the limited political system by acquiring the privilege to operate various organizations, which could provide a wide range of support for local people. Under the circumstances of mutual benefits between the regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, it effectively expanded its power in the Jordanian society. However, the deterioration of relations between Jordan regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, self-inflicted wounds, and the changing dynamic of local Islamist politics in recent years has caused its erosion of political influence over the local peopl.

건선환자의 말초혈액 내 CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Regulatory T 세포와 CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T 세포 수에 관한 연구

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ),김동진 ( Dong Jin Kim ),나찬호 ( Chan Ho Na ),김민성 ( Min Sung Kim ),신봉석 ( Bong Seok Shin ) 대한피부과학회 2015 대한피부과학회지 Vol.53 No.4

Background: Regulatory T cells (Treg) are able to inhibit the immunological response and maintain cutaneous immunological homeostasis, thus preventing autoimmunity against itself. In several studies, the importance of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg in psoriasis has been examined, using the peripheral blood of patients. However, limited studies on Treg are available and shows conflicting results. Recently, CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T cells were identified as being the peripheral reservoir of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg. Objective: The purpose of this study was to investigate differences in the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg and CD4+CD25. Foxp3+ T cell counts between patients with psoriasis and normal controls. Methods: For phenotypic analysis, the proportions and absolute cell numbers of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg and CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T cells in the peripheral blood were examined by flow cytometry. The correlation between the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count and other parameters (age of onset, disease duration, BSA, psoriasis area and severity index score, and clinical stage) was also analyzed. Results: Although the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count was slightly increased while the number of CD4+CD25. Foxp3+ T cells was slightly decreased in psoriasis patients than that of the controls, the differences between the groups were not statistically significant (5.27±2.60 vs. 4.70±1.35, p>0.05; 1.56±1.07 vs. 1.93±1.08, p>0.05). The CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count did not correlate with the tested parameters except for the clinical stage of psoriasis. The mean±SD number of CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg in the stable phase was higher than that in the progressive phase (7.26±2.58 vs. 4.35±2.10, p<0.05). The CD4+CD25.Foxp3+ T cell count did not show any significant correlation with all the parameters tested (p>0.05). Conclusion: These findings suggest that the CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg count alone is insufficient to explain the pathogenesis and severity of psoriasis. However, a decrease in circulating CD4+CD25+Foxp3+ Treg is likely to be correlated with an aggravation of psoriasis. (Korean J Dermatol 2015;53(4):270∼276)

사우디아라비아 석유산업 개발배경에 대한 역사적 고찰

송상현 ( Sang Hyun Song ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2017 중동연구 Vol.36 No.2

The economic interests of Saudi Arabia in the development of the oil industry have coincided with those of the West. Politically and economically marginalized, the Saudi state desperately needed a source of finance to consolidate its power. Without securing such a source, its disintegration would only be a matter of time. On the other hand, the importance of oil as a primary energy source in the twentieth century encouraged the West, particularly the United Sates, to establish amicable relations. The first oil concession in Saudi Arabia was granted not to the Americans but to the British. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz had sold an oil concession in al-Hasa province to Major Holmes’ Eastern and General Syndicate in 1923, at a time when his situation in Najd was still quite precarious and he was beginning to encounter political and financial difficulties in his effort to consolidate his position in the Arabian Peninsula. As the Eastern and General Syndicate had already run out of funds before any serious drilling commenced, Holmes withheld all royalties after paying just ￡4,000, and ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ended the concession in 1928. In the 1930s, the UK still had influence in large parts of the Middle East such as the Trucial States, Southern Arabia, and Jordan, Iraq and Palestine, as well as in southern Persia. However, ‘Abd al-Aziz took the opportunity to strike a deal with the US, as a strategic maneuver to counterbalance the influence of the UK. After the decision of Iraq Petroleum Company to withdraw its bid because of the high expense of the concession and the uncertainty of oil discovery in Saudi Arabia, American oil company, Socal, bid for a concession in 1933.

사우디아라비아 석유정책이 제2차 석유파동에 미친 영향

송상현(Song, Sang Hyun) 한국이슬람학회 2015 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.25 No.2

It is generally believed that the increasing political instability in Iran in late 1978 and the consequent Islamic Revolution in 1979 caused the second oil shock in the world oil market. Although these political events in Iran increased the instability of the world oil market, their impact on skyrocketing oil prices was limited. When we look into the world oil market during this period in detail, it was Saudi Arabia, which gave market forces opportunities to agitate the world oil market by skyrocketing oil prices. In the first half of 1979, Saudi oil policy was deviated from its long-term economic interests in maximizing oil wealth through price moderation mainly due to short-term political exigencies. During this period, Saudi Arabia had two main political concerns, the political unrest in Iran and the conflict in Yemen. The Saudi government needed to appease the new Iranian government and tried to show its amicable attitude towards its oil policy. On the other hand as the skirmishes between the Yemen Arab Republic and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen erupted into a full scale war by February 1979, diplomatic cooperation from Iraq and Syria was needed to achieve the cease-fire. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia tried to press the US to change its controversial foreign policy in the Middle East based on the Camp David Accords. All these political considerations in early 1979 reflected on Saudi Arabia’s oil policy by reducing its oil production and raising oil prices. However, politically motivated Saudi oil policy aggravated a tighter world oil market and the consequent rising oil prices in the spot market with the growing influence of market forces over the world oil market mainly contributed to the second oil shock.

와하비즘의 발흥과 사우드가와의 종교-정치적 동맹에 대한 역사적 고찰

송상현(Song, Sang-Hyun) 한국중동학회 2017 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.38 No.2

One of major political factors for the founding of the Saudi state is Wahhabism, an extreme version of Sunni Islam, which has dominated both the religious stage and in the polity in Saudi Arabia. The barren desert territory of central Arabia and the harsh environment with the most meager economic surplus had long left most of central Arabia politically and religiously marginalized from the influence of the outside world, and more particularly of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, some of the major tribal confederations enjoyed autonomy in central Arabia with little or no serious interference from the Ottomans. This context facilitated the emergence of Wahhabism in the region and led to the formation of a lasting alliance between two religiously and politically important figures, Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab and Muhammad Ibn Sa‘ud. Since the establishment of the religio-political alliance between the two families in the mid eighteenth century, Wahhabism has provided the Saudi ruling family with legitimacy for its control over the Arabian Peninsula as long as it devotes itself to the implementation of a particular version of Islam in Saudi society. The religious zealotry of the Wahhabis was one of the major driving forces in the conquest of the Arabian Peninsula by providing the Āl Sa‘ud with political justification in the name of jihad. This study will find major factors which had contributed to the emergence of Wahhabism in Najd and demonstrate why Muhammad Ibn Saud accepted Wahhabism in the 18th century.