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        Effects of 1-Methylcyclopropene Treatment and Controlled Atmosphere Storage on Poststorage Metabolism and Quality of ‘Hongro’ Apples

        박효근,임병선,박윤문 한국원예학회 2009 Horticulture, Environment, and Biotechnology Vol.50 No.4

        Individual and combined effects of postharvest 1-methylcylcopropene (1-MCP) treatment and controlled atmosphere (CA) storage on quality changes of ‘Hongro’ apples during storage were investigated by two-way analysis of variance. Apples were harvested at commercial maturity, treated with 1 μL・L-1 1-MCP, and stored under refrigerated air or CA conditions for 4 months at 0℃. At 2-month intervals, fruit were removed from storage and put on the shelf for 7 days at 20℃ to simulate marketing at room temperature. Postharvest 1-MCP treatment and CA storage significantly reduced respiration and ethylene production. Titratable acidity, flesh firmness, and texture ratings were retained higher by 1-MCP treatment and CA storage, while greasiness on the fruit skin was effectively suppressed by the treatments. However, additional effects from the combined treatment of 1-MCP and CA were slight. Storage potential of ‘Hongro’ apples seemed to be extended to 4 months by the 1-MCP treatment. Although effects of 1-MCP treatment was not so great as CA storage, postharvest application of the chemical could substitute CA storage for ‘Hongro’ apples programmed to be stored for 4 months plus 7 day shelf life at room temperature.

      • KCI등재

        환경행정에 있어서의 주민투표와 정보공개제도

        박효근 한국환경법학회 2002 環境法 硏究 Vol.24 No.2

        A referendum system is not intended to nullify the indirect democratic system of representation but to enhance and improve the latter s effectiveness. It does connote all kinds of inherent problems. It can cause residents to decide illogically to remove the good aspect of a representative system and to be unnecessarily concerned. It can bring about administrative confusion by the misuse of votes. And although it provides a way for the executors of the referendum to tackle issues head-on, it may provide a means for the head of local government and local assembllymen to evade responsibility. On the other hand, a referendum system has advantages that residents, as the ultimate rulers of the local administration, can take part in the local administration, adress problems and any opposition for themselves, make a law concerning major issues, and call to account a law that they passed. It also allows residents to improve concern for local autonomy, to bring about effective political education, and to advance residents elementary political knowledge. As mentioned above, the referendum system has merits and faults at the same time. Therefore we cannot draw a conclusion about the definite value of the referendum system. If the system has advantages, it also has its week points. And if anyone wants to abuse the system, he or she can abuse it. In any case, we introduce a direct democratic system to compensate for the faults of an indirect democratic system, the discontent of the administration and the politics of an indirect democratic system. It is a problem of how well we can use the functions of a referendum system. When we examine the application of the referendum system by other countries, we can see that each country enforces the referendum uniquely and specifically. For example, in the United States, an administration area or local government charter must execute a referendum for any important articles. So, the United States is called a country coercive about referendum . In Japan, there are two systems. One is formal referendum; the other is a practical referendum. Of the first is the constitutional referendum of regulations. Also in the case of other countries, the referendum system is alive and well. However, in the case of Korea, referendum awareness has been insufficient up to the present time. These days, one of the rules of local government is about the introduction of referendums, Article 13-2. But some necessary laws are missing. A country that makes the pertinent law of refemdum must consider several things: the basic purpose of the referendum and the laws pertinent to the referendum process. First, residents have to have a sense of mastery and responsibility because they are the primary subjects of local govemmnt. Second, since the local assembly in a democratic system is a fundamental institution of local government, it must unify and mediate the needs of residents actively and with diversity. Third, since the referendum system allows room for abuse, the prod& system has to be repaired and information must be open. Fourth, Articles that clearly define and include the legalization of referendum, referendum object, referendum procedure, referendum initiative and referendum force are necessary. Fifth, the referendum laws should produce articles of a general nature; it is reasonable to entrust free judgment to local governments concerning more specific articles. And the opening of information, under the recognition that administrative information is not the private property of the government office but the public property of citizens and the government office, includes both sides, the opening of information and public relations. The one is the side that the government office admits its duty to respond in such a case as citizens ask for the opening of information. The other is the side that government office positively provides information for citizens. To build a free and rich society, the opening of information will have to be developed into the following direction. Firstly, the law system of the opening of information has to be established. Secondly, administrative public relations must be performed in the stage of decision-making, not in the stage of policy implementation as a means of obtaining citizens cooperation. So to speak, for the realization of ideals of the true citizen participation, citizens right for opening of information must be guaranteed and a more positive information supply should also be ensured. Thirdly, the management of official documents and data should be improved to be proper to the goal of the opening of information. And finally, civil servants and citizens behavior on the opening of information must be led to become positive toward the opening of information through local administration and experience education in the real training field.

      • KCI우수등재

        건전한 사회와 그 적들 -칼뱅 시대 주네브의 사회 통제를 중심으로-

        박효근 한국서양사학회 2024 西洋史論 Vol.- No.160

        칼뱅 시기 주네브는 치리회를 중심으로 엄격한 사회통제와 민중규율화를 실시했다고 알려져있다. 본고에서는 치리회 민중규율화의 최종 목표를 완전무결한 도덕성이아니라 무난하고 원만한 ‘건전함’이라 규정하고자 한다. 이는 주네브 치리회를 종교적, 도덕적 기준을 주입하려는 일방적 규제의 도구로만 보지 않고, 거주민들의 삶전체를 외형적으로나 내면적으로 건전하게 유지하도록 관리하는 일종의 ‘사회서비스’로 볼 수 있는 가능성을 의미한다. 해당 가설을 입증하기 위해 우선 주네브 치리회가 이루고자 했던 ‘건전한 사회’란 어떤 것인지 외적 행동과 내적 감정의 차원으로 구분해 구체적인 통제의 사례들을 고찰하였다. 이러한 행동과 감정의 통제는 주네브 거주민들을 좀더 합리적이고 문명화된 존재로 만들 계기가 되었던 반면, 건전함을 강요함으로써 갈등의 본질을 회피하는 한계 역시 지니고 있었다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 주네브 거주민들이 스스로 해결하기 어려운 상황을 치리회에 청탁하는 양상을 볼 때, 치리회의 민중규율화 작업을 일방적 강요와 억압 이상으로 해석할 가능성은 충분하다고 여겨진다. 결과적으로 본고는 종교개혁의 민중규율화 작업을 일종의 사회적 ‘갈등 조정 거버넌스’로 해석할 수 있을지 분석하는 하나의 시도이다. During Calvin’s time, Geneva is known to have implemented strict social control and discipline through the Consistory system. This article argues that the final goal of the consistory’s civil discipline was not to achieve perfect morality but to pursue “wholesomeness”. This implies the possibility of viewing the consistory of Geneva not as an instrument of unilateral regulation to impose religious and moral standards but as a kind of “social service” that manages the entire life of the residents to keep them healthy both externally and internally. We review this hypothesis by examining particular cases of external behavioral control to internal emotional management. While this control of behavior and emotions had the potential to make the inhabitants of Geneva more rational and civilized, it also had the limitation of avoiding the nature of conflict by enforcing wholesomeness. Nevertheless, given how the inhabitants of Geneva turned to the consistory for help in situations they could not resolve on their own, it is possible to interpret the consistory’s rule as more than unilateral coercion and repression. Consequently, this paper analyzes whether the Reformation’s civil discipline can be interpreted as a form of social ‘conflict mediating governance’.

      • KCI등재후보

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