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      • 영어 발화와 가사 리듬의 재구조와 리듬보의 활용

        김기섭,Kim Key-Seop 대한음성학회 2000 말소리 Vol.40 No.-

        This study has two aim: one is to clarify the restructuring of English in utterance and the other is to make use of text-setting to be applied to getting accustomed to the English rhythm and pronunciation. Clitics prove to play a crucial role on the English restructuring, and are found to be attached to their previous and to their next head or host, thus forming, respectively, an on-cliticized rhythm, trochee and a pro-cliticized rhythm, iambus. En-cliticization proves to be preferred to pro-cliticization in most types of English rhythms. Accordingly, the restructuring turn out to occur all over the levels of the Prosodic Hierarchy. That is, syllables, words and clitic groups are restructured in poetry as well as in song words, which means the necessity of restructuring throughout the levels of the Prosodic Hierarchy from the syllable to the utterance. The present study suggests a good use of a rhythmic textsetting for learners of English to get accustomed to the stress-timed rhythm as well as to such changes in pronunciation as reductions, deletions, resolutions, contractions, and rhythms in English.

      • KCI등재

        영어정형시율의 언어강세에 대하여 -필터 설정 문제를 중심으로-

        김기섭 ( Kim¸ Key-seop ) 현대영미어문학회 1985 현대영미어문학 Vol.3 No.-

        1,862 lines from 133 among 154 sonnets written by Shakespeare are analyzed and classified into match and mismatch. Some of the mismatching lines show labeling mismatch only, and the others reveal both bracketing and labeling mismatch. The lines clarified as mismatch Shakespeare and readers consider metrical have the cadences in question. According to the cadences the form of filters varies from Shakespeare Ⅰ to Ⅲ in phonological domains such as word or phrases by the strongest stress of which Peak and Falling Peak are discerned. This paper sets up filters of Shakespeare’s sonnets in the order of the classes. The classes of the filters are emphasized as necessiated for the degree of the rarity of a cadence occurrence. The order of classes of Shakespeare’s filters in his sonnets decided in this paper is 24) in rough order and 25) in complete order. Either the rarity of a cadence or the high frequency of a cadence in a poet’s meter results from his likes and disikes. Hence occurs frequently a certain cadence while another very rarely. The limit of the rarity never tells the point of setting up the filters. We can find that either Kiparsky’s filters (1977) or Hayes ‘(1983) are metrical rules not completely eliminating occurrence of certain cadences, as there are sporadic appearance of the lines overcoming the filter concerned. Therefore, there are few, if any, filters completely for- bidding any cadence. What it means is to foretell the variety of poets’ preference and to predict that various forms of cadence will appear in English verse as do the modern poetry-that is, English meter of fixed form has been changed into free verse.

      • KCI등재

        현대 영시 정형률의 율독(律讀)과 낭송(朗誦)의 괴리(乖離)

        김기섭(Kim Key-Seop) 한국영어교과교육학회 2004 영어교과교육 Vol.3 No.1

          Two pieces of tapes titled "THE POET SPEAKS" have provided, since it was produced in 1982, a great benefit for readers who try to appreciate listening to, and repeating after, the real voices of the poets who wrote the poems. The present research aims to help readers of poems to relate the scansion with the poets" reading of their own poems. Based on the Prosodic and Metrical Phonology expounded and set up by prosodists and metricists since 1960"s, the study also tries to prove the acoustic analysis of the poets" readings to be very useful to the scansion and clarify the poetic meaning. The target lines which sound, read, and appear to be unnatural or of cadence, have been chosen, made scansion of, and analyzed through the program praat and wave and the tool Computerized Speech laboratory. The result of the study provides the correspondence of the scansion to the reading/reciting of the poems by the figures of the size of decibels, or the scalar values of the intensity represented as the energy of the strong position of all the feet of the poems in the fixed meter the poets have read. It shows more than 99.99% match of the scansion with the strong position of the feet including reasonable inversions of the feet. Even the smallest deviation less than 2% of the 288 feet was to prove the acoustic analysis to be indispensable to the rhythmic flow and the understanding the smallest deviance of the meaning of the poem readers read.

      • KCI등재
      • 內在的 再分節 規則

        金淇燮 慶尙大學校 1982 論文集 Vol.21 No.2

        The Resyllabification Rule of English words by Kim-Renaud in 1974: ?? and that of Kim, K.S. in 1977: ?? raise problems of, (a) uncertainty of splitting an sonorant consonant before the other, (b) no explicit solution of syllable adjustment, (c) no answer of resyllabification at/[+tense] [+obs]-(#), and (d) deficiency of rule consistency. For the solution of the above problems the present study revises the above rules by clarifying the nature of resyllabifying English words, from the standpoint of the broad transcription in Korean of resyllabification of English words. The represented phenomena of resyllabification of English words (see Ⅱ B 11 in this paper) were hypothesizes to result from internalized resyllabification rule formed by Korean phonolgical rule (henceforth : p-rule) in collision with English P-rule. Based on this collision, resyllabification of English words is studied, classified, and analyzed with Internalized Resyllabification Rule of English Words formulated. Hence the minor rules. They are as follows :1) syllable initial/-ized consonant syllabification, 2) sonorant-preceding consonant syllabification, 3) tense vowel+consonant syllabification, and 4) syllable boundary adjustment rule (henceforth : BAR). This paper puts high emphasis on the role and establishment of BAR. Accordingly, BAR is classified into four minor rules : BARa by which syllable boundary # is assigned to vowel, BARb assigning # to (scanned by ICS or SCS), BARc to [+SEC] (seven syllable ending consonants), and BARd to the sonorant consonant when SCS is applied (if it is preceded by a vowel.) However, the relation between free variations and naturalness of resyllabification are not explicated in detail.

      • 율격음운론의 관점에서 본 시조의 율격구조

        김기섭 慶尙大學校 1983 論文集 Vol.22 No.2

        This study aims to set up the rhythmic structure of SIJo, the classical Korean poetry, from the point of view of Metrical Phonology theorized and verified by Paul Kiparsky (1975, 1977, 1979), Mark Liberman (1975, 1977), Alan Prince (1977), Elizabeth Selkirk (1977, 1979, 1980), Bruce Hays (1979, 1981, 1982,), Matthew Y, Chen (1979,1980), and many others. Based on the prosodic features stressed--- and unstressed syllables clarified as the Korean phonological utterance unit--- the rhythmic structure of SIJO in chanting melody is organized on a binarily branching tree as follows: 1,2nd line : last line: ?? while that in reciting melody runs as follows: 1,2nd line: last line: ?? This study argues that Korean phonological prosodic features--stress-time rhythm--funcitons as the main rhythmic factor both in stress pattren and in metrical pattern. The linguistic stress(stress pattern) in utterance unit stronger, that is, weightier than that in a neighboring unit forms a metrical stress from contrasted with the weaker, that is, lighter untterance unit. A line of SIJO consists of four utterance units, which means four phrases. a unit at the first half also takes on a weightier or lighter stress as contrasted with a unit at the other half. This is true of linguisiic stress. The above hierachically organized structures of the units (phrases) whose metricality is determined by the relative strength of each unit in a line show themselves where the poetic licence is assigned. This poetic licence, the degree of freedom in SIJO allows the second and the last unit to increase syllables or decrease the stress. Compared with other stress-timed languages, Korean has not stresses more prominent and more functional in a separate word. However, a weightier unit assumes the metrical stress not on the linguistic stress only, but on the whole phrase. Therefore the above hierachically organized structures of SIJO are better expressed when represented with grids as follows: 1,2nd line: ?? last line: ?? The discord of the rhythmic structures in chanting from in reciting melody is analyzed and clarified as caused from the fact that since olden times the interjections in Korean folk songs have been reduced to common expressions which in turn the highest tone is changed to common stress, with the result that in reciting melody appears the revival of the last line, which in turn the third phrase just before the last is heightened in stress and in pitch with the gist of the theme of SIJO itself revealed.

      • 韓國語의 鼻音化에 있어서 規則順 매김과 英語誤諺音

        金淇燮,沈舜植 慶尙大學校 1981 論文集 Vol.20 No.2

        Koreans mispronounce English words by the misapplication of Korean Phonological Rules to English words. Among the mispronunciations of them those by the misapplication of Korean Nasalization Rule is typical. The present study attempts to clarify the rule ordering of Korean Nasalization Rule through analysis and interpretation of the phenomena shown in the mispronunciation of English words. Many Korean Phonologists like Hur, C. W. Kim, Kim Renaud argue that n-lateralization Rule: n→1% 1 is phonitic and natural and obligatory, while/??/to [??] is sometimes made through analogy (which argumentation is slightly dealt by Hur.) In this study the efforts are made to prove that 1→n/n is no less natural than 1→n/??-. The naturalness and plausibility of Nasalization, 1→n/n- in Korean is studied, analyzed and interpreted from the view-point of, 1) Hyman's argumentation of 'ease of articulation': [+lat] after/n/is to be easily assimilated to [n] which had the same distinctive features [+ant], [+cor] that the preceding/n/has, just as after/m/or/??/, 2) Surface Phonetic Constraints by Shibatanni and other phonologists that in word initial or after consonant Sino-Korean/1/is changed to [n]: 1←n/??#-, and, 3) Stampe's argumentation of processes and rules in his Natural Phonology, Accordingly in 1-Nasalization Rule argued by many phonologists is 1→n/n-coucluded to be included, while so far they have only regarded 1→n/??#- as not occurring in case of C being n. Therefore, rule ordering of Korean Nasalization should be made: n-Lateralization 1-Nasalization(where SPC 1→n/n-should be added) Plosivization Stop Nasalization with both examples given in mispronunciations of English words and those in Korean. However, those examples in Korean should be words of free morphemes, but not of bound ones. In the end, comparison of English words with i-Epenthesis in English words makes a serous suggestion that the latter lets Koreans commit fewer errors in pronunciation of English words as shown in 'hopeless' : 3 errors by 3 factors p→m, 1→n, i-Epentiesis in/houpilisi/to [houmnisi] vs. 2 by only one factor i-Epenthesis in/houplis/to [houpillsi].

      • KCI등재

        영어정형시율의 언어강세에 대하여 : 필터 설정 문제를 중심으로 in Setting Up Metrical Filters

        김기섭 한국영어영문학회 경남지부 1985 현대영미어문학 Vol.3 No.-

        1,862 lines from 133 among 154 sonnets written by Shakespeare are analyzed and classified into match and mismatch. Some of the mismatching lines show labeling mismatch only, and the others reveal both bracketing and labeling mismatch. The lines clarified as mismatch Shakespeare and readers consider metrical have the cadences in question. According to the cadences the form of filters varies from Shakespeare I to III in phonological domains such as word or phrases by the strongest stress of which Peak and Falling Peak are discerned. This paper sets up filters of Shakespeare's sonnets in the order of the classes. The classes of the filters are emphasized as necessiated for the degree of the rarity of a cadence occurrence. The order of classes of Shakespeare's filters in his sonnets decided in this paper is 24) in rough order and 25) in complete order. Either the rarity of a cadence or the high frequency of a cadence in a poet's meter results from his likes and disikes. Hence occurs frequently a certain cadence while another very rarely. The limit of the rarity never tells the point of setting up the filters. We can find that either Kiparsky's filters (1977) or Hayes'(1983) are metrical rules not completely eliminating occurrence of certain cadences, as there are sporadic appearance of the lines overcoming the filter concerned. Therefore, there are few, if any, filters completely forbidding any cadence. What it means is to foretell the variety of poets' preference and to predict that various forms of cadence will appear in English verse as do the modern poetry- that is, English meter of fried form has been changed into free verse.

      • KCI우수등재

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