냉전기 한 자유주의자의 ‘저항’ 담론 형성과 분단 사유 : 김재준의 경우

고지수 ( Koh¸ Ji-soo ) 서울대학교 통일평화연구원 2020 통일과 평화 Vol.12 No.2

역사인물의 내면은 역사 전환의 계기를 따라 형성, 변형, 종합되는 변화론적 과정으로 접근하는 것이 합리적이다. 김재준의 경우 기독교적 규범의 생애 적용과정 중 긴장요인의 관찰이 중요한데, 인간본성으로서의 ‘자유’ 획득, 성속이원론의 일원화, 정교분리 규범의 해소 등이 대표적이다. 김재준의 ‘인간 자유’ 및 ‘인간 존엄’ 획득은 1930년대 장로교 교권주의에 대항한 신학 자유운동, 1950년대 한국장로교 신학적 ‘이단논쟁’에서 전체주의(총회권력)와 개인(신앙양심의 자유) 간의 극단적 대결 경험에서 형성된다. 김재준의 기독교적 양심의 자유, ‘인간 자유’ 획득 경험은 현대사회 보편인권론의 한국적 맥락의 발현으로 접근될 수 있다. 1970년대 전체주의 유신체제에서 김재준의 ‘인간 자유’ 극대화 논리는 국내외 민족민주운동 노선 경합에서 야당정치인 김대중의 ‘선 민주·후 통일’ 노선과 결합된다. 구체적으로는 대미외교를 통한 자유진영 연합노선으로 전개되어 냉전기 분단선 안에 포섭된 한계요인이 있다. This study traces the formation of the inner thoughts of Kim Jae-joon, a pioneer of the Korean ecumenical social movement and a figure who left a trace of the national democratic movement in the 1970s as a features of liberalism. It is reasonable to approach the inner side of historical figures as a process of forming, transforming, and aggregating along the momentum of history transformation. In the case of Kim Jae-jun, it is important to observe tension factors in the life-long application of Christian norms, such as acquiring “freedom” as a human nature, unifying ‘성속(聖俗)dualism’, and resolving the norms of the separation of church and state. Kim Jae-joon’s acquisition of Christian “human freedom” and “human dignity” is formed from the experience of extreme confrontation between totalitarianism (violence of the majority vote) and individuals (freedom of religious conscience) in the theology free movement against Presbyterianism in the 1930s and the Korean Presbyterian Church of Korea. Kim Jae-joon’s experience in acquiring Christian “human freedom” is approached as an example of the Korean context of universal human rights theory based on modern “fundamental human freedom.” Kim Jae-joon’s maximization of “human freedom and human dignity” was combined with Kim Dae-jung’s “first democracy and post-unification” line in the debate on the route of national democracy movements at home and abroad under the totalitarian system in the 1970s. Specifically, there is a limiting factor that was developed as a free-world alliance line through diplomacy with the United States and was contained within the Korean peninsula division line during the Cold War.

1960년대 한국기독자교수협의회의 조직과 특징

고지수 ( Koh Ji-soo ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.63

This study looked at the process of forming the ‘progressive’ character of modern Korean Protestant intellectuals with “Korea Christian Feculty Association” among a few out-front groups that began in the Korean Protestant Church after the April Revolution in 1960. “Korea Christian Feculty Association” is a group that developed a kind of ‘Theological Frontier’ in Korean church throughout the 1960s after being formally organized in 1966. They developed a Korean christian movement for the acceptance and diffusion of world ecumenical theology through intellectually-specific knowledge production activities, such as debates, debates, and academic announcements in the mid 1960s, and promoted Protestant ideologies. This study looked at the process by which knowledge discourse produced by “Korea Christian Feculty Association” was implemented in the real world at two levels. First, the basis of knowledge of participation consciousness connecting private institutions and society was extended through close linkage with student Christian movements such as the KSCC and KSCF. Second, more importantly, the Protestant camp's theological discussions on the implementation of the Korean socio-economic development and modernization in the 1960s developed into secularization and modernization. This understanding of modernization resulted in the implementation of the ‘resistance’ of Protestant social movements by claiming for the theoretical humanization of the ‘dehumanization’ phenomenon of the implementation of modernization since the early 1970s.

한국사와 68운동; 확장된 이해와 시선 ― 1960~1970년대 초 한국사회 저항운동을 중심으로 ―

고지수 ( Koh Ji-soo ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.66

This study is a highly adventurous attempt to understand the world's 68 movement in 1968 and the Korean society's ‘silent of resistance’ in the same time year. And the author also knows that the study will have to faithfully reflect the subjective views of Korean history researchers. The start of the world-wide resistance movement in 1968 was a reality full of contradictions but the object, purpose and content of the protests were as different and special as the differences between historical constructions in each country. From the point of view of the 68 movement, the silence of Korean society in 1968 was a very different phenomenon, and could it be included in the diversity of the 68 movement? This study began with this question. Although similar in terms of student-centered leadership, resistance to authoritarianism, and expression of resistance, there were different specialities in the resistance concept, purpose and content as different as historical space. To this end, this study tried to weave three themes that penetrated Korean society since and after 1968 into the context of Korean history: assignments of modernization and democratization, liberal democracy as resistance concepts, division systems of the Korean Peninsula and security issues. The results of the study will show that the implementation of modernization and the democratization of the 1960s are comprehensive tasks that cannot be completed solely by the slogan of ‘modernizing our country’ and the growth logic of economic development. The ‘nonhumanizing phenomenon’, which began to emerge behind the economic growth of the 1970s, proves that the issue of transitioning democracy goes beyond ‘political institutionalization’ and is directly related to the problems of the human condition itself. Above all, the Cold War structure in Korean society was the most effective means of suppressing resistance in the 1960s and 1970s. This study explained in this context the ‘silent’ phenomenon of Korean society in 1968.

일반논문 : 해방 후 장공 김재준의 "기독교적 건국론" 이해 -사료 「기독교의 건국이념(基督敎의 建國理念)」을 중심으로-

고지수 ( Ji Soo Koh ) 성균관대학교 인문과학연구소 2014 人文科學 Vol.0 No.54

장공 김재준은 한국교회의 사회참여운동을 주도했던 개신교 목사이자 사회운동가이다. 본 연구는 해방공간에서 김재준이 발표한 「基督敎의 建國理念」을 중심으로 그의 ‘기독교적 건국론’의 내용을 이해하고 국가건설운동기 김재준의 ‘사회참여’의 특징을 살펴보는데 목적이 있다. 해방공간은 한국교회가 신생 ‘국가’와 종교와의 관계를 역사적·신학사상적 맥락에서 새롭게 규정해야 의미 있는 시기였다. 그러나 해방직후 한국교회가 내세운 ‘기독교 이상’에 의한 건국론은 이승만, 김구, 김규식 등 우익3人의 ‘기독교적 건국’ 기치와 결합되면서 우익의 반탁·반소(후에 반공)운동의 정치적 기반을 제공하였고 그 결과 ‘기독교적 건국’ 의제는 ‘친기독교적 정치권력’의 탄생으로 귀결되면서 오히려 정교유착의 뿌리를 내리게 된다. 반면 김재준의 건국론은 종교의 ‘사회적 역할’을 강조했다는 점에서 다수 개신교인들의 정치참여 형태와는 다른 특징을 보였다. 이것은 칼빈주의의 ‘하나님 주권론’에 따라 인간사회의 모든 영역은 각자 자신의 ‘고유영역’에 충실해야 하며 이 경우 국가와 교회, 정치와 종교는 배치(排置)되지 않을 뿐더러 서로 보완의 기능이 있음을 강조하였다. 따라서 교회는 종교의 도덕적 윤리적 기능을 통한 양심적 인물을 사회에 제공함으로써 ‘국가건설’에 참여할 수 있는 것으로 보았다. 이러한 김재준의 ‘건국론’은 신학적으로는 정교분리입장에 서 있으면서 종교의 사회윤리적 역할을 강조함으로써 이후 기독교사회참여운동의 이론적 기반을 형성하는 역사적계기가 되었음을 알 수 있다. Kim Chai Choon, whose pen-name is Changgong, was not only a Protestant pastor but also a social activist who took the lead in social participation of the Korean church. This paper is aimed at examining Kim’s Christian nation-building theory in close connection with The Christian View of National Foundation he had introduced and figuring out the characteristics of “social participation” suggested by Kim during the period of the nation-building movement. Right after Korea’s liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the Korean church was supposed to newly redefine the relation between a new “state” and religion from the perspective of historical and theological context. “The idea of nation-building based on the Christian ideal” proposed by the Korean church, however, combined with the propaganda of “Christian nation-building” suggested by three right wing figures . Syngman Rhee, Kim Gu, and Kim Kyu-sik . and provided the right wing with a political groundwork for the anti-trusteeship and the anti-Soviet Union (later anti-Communist) movements. As a result, the agenda of the Christian nation-building theory gave birth to the pro-Christian political power and took root in the nation in the form of “the alliance of church and state.” Kim’s Christian nation-building theory was categorized as the majority opinions of the Korean churches when it came to the issue of the Christian ideal, but showed an attitude different from the views of many Protestants in terms of participation in politics in that Kim’s theory emphasized the “social role” of religion. Kim’s idea was based on the “sovereignty of God” and the “theory of dual-government” in Calvinism, according to which all the areas of human society should be faithful to their own roles at the face of “the absolute sovereignty of God” and, in this case, the state and the church . and politics and religion . are not contradictory but can supplement each other. Kim believed, therefore, the church can participate in the nation-building project by sending conscientious people to society to carry out its moral and ethical function. Kim’s theory is based on the principle of “separation of church and state” on one hand but emphasizes the socio-ethical role of religion, thus offering a theoretical basis for Christianity’s social participation afterwards in Korea’s history on the other.

1960년대 개신교 지식인의 ‘세속화’ 수용과 교회의 사회화 문제

고지수 ( Koh Ji Soo ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2019 人文科學 Vol.0 No.72

이 연구는 1960년대 한국교회 안에 수용된 서구의 ‘세속화 신학’이 개신교 지식인들에게 미친 영향을 교회의 사회화 관계에서 살펴 본 것이다. 1960년대 중반은 한국개신교가 신학적 지향에서 소수의 진보그룹과 다수 보수주의 진영으로 분화되는 시기이다. 이 현상에는 다양한 신학이론적 배경이 원인이 되었으나 본 연구는 서구 세속화 신학이 말하는 근대 이후 종교의 세속화가 교회의 사회의식에 미친 영향을 변화요인으로 접근했다. ‘세속화(secularization)’는 근대 이후 종교의 합리화 과정으로 이해되면서 서구의 사회변동에 따른 종교관계를 설명해온 고전 이론으로 폭넓게 연구되어 왔다. 종교 세속화론에 의하면 산업화·도시화가 진행될수록 인간 의식의 합리화 경향에 따라 전통적인 종교의 영향력은 쇠퇴하고 종교인구 또한 감소한다. 그러나 1960년대 근대화·산업화가 전개되면서 한국개신교 상황은 종교 세속화의 일반 논리와 다른 양상을 띤다. 성속 이 원론의 전통적 신앙관을 유지한 교단들은 산업화·도시화에 따른 성장위주의 선교전략을 제시하여 교세 확장으로 이어졌다. 반면에 소수의 개신교 지식인 집단과 진보교단은 성속 이원론적·내세지향적 보수성에서 탈피하여 도시화·산업화된 현대사회에 기독교적 ‘세속’의미를 재해석함으로써 인간 삶의 전 영역을 일치·통합의 관점에서 이해하는 변화를 보인다. 이는 ‘거룩’과 ‘세속’의 분리가 일치됨을 의미하며 그 결과 ‘세속(사회)’은 적극적인 선교의 대상으로 통합된다. 현실적으로는 교회의 사회의식, 사회적 책임이 강조되면서 1960년대 후반 이후 개신교 에큐메니컬 사회참여운동으로 구체화된다. This study examined the influence of Western secularization theology, which was housed within Korean churches in the 1960s, on Protestant intellectuals from the perspective of the church’s socialization relationship. The mid-1960s was a time when Korean Protestantism differed from theological orientation into a small number of progressive groups and many conservative camps. This phenomenon was caused by a variety of theological backgrounds, but this study approached the change factor of the influence of the “secularization” of religion after the modern period, as was called by Western secularization theology, on the social consciousness of the church in the nation. “Secularization” has been widely studied as a classical theory that explained the religious relationship following the social changes in the West, as it has been understood as a process of rationalization of religion since modern times. According to religious secularization theory, as industrialization and urbanization progresses, the influence of traditional religion decreases and the religious population decreases as the tendency of rationalization of human consciousness progresses. However, with the development of modernization and industrialization in the 1960s, the situation of Korean Protestantism is different from the general logic of secularization of religion. Traditional religious groups presented growth-oriented mission strategies according to the trend of individualization of faith following industrialization and urbanization. On the other hand, a small number of Protestant intellectuals and progressive groups have changed their understanding of the whole realm of human life from a consensus and unity perspective by reinterpreting the Christian “world” in urbanized and industrialized modern society. This means that the separation of the ‘Holiness’ and ‘the world’ is consistent, and as a result ‘the world (society)’ is an active subject of mission. In reality, the social consciousness and the social responsibility of the church are more emphasized, and the Protestant Ecumental Social Participation Movement has taken shape since the late 1960s.

포드정부기 미 의회 한국 인권문제 논쟁과 냉전 자유주의 (1974~1975)

고지수 ( Koh Ji Soo ) 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2021 한국학논총 Vol.55 No.-

이 연구는 1973년 베트남전쟁 종결 직후 미 행정부 및 의회에 형성된 동아시아 지역 안보의식과 정치 자유화 쟁점의 등장을 냉전자유주의로 전개했다. 베트남전쟁의 학습효과로 형성된 동아시아 지역 새로운 안보불안은 미 의회 중심으로 행정부의 군사안보 위주 동아시아 정책을 비판하고 군사원조의 제한 및 중단, 주한미군 부분 철수 등의 안보 공약 재조정 확산시켰다. 1973년 대외원조법(Foreign Assistance Act) ‘인권 수정안(Section 32)’과 ‘전쟁권한법(War Powers Act)’ 결의로 행정부와 백악관의 대외정책 견제 장치를 마련한 의회는 제3세계 피 원조국 인권쟁점을 중심으로 정치 자유화 방향을 제기하였다. 베트남 이후 ‘다음은 한반도가 될 것’이란 위기의식 속에 1974년 미 의회의 한국 인권문제 청문회는 박정희 유신권력의 독재강화·정치 억압성을 국가 분열 요인으로, 궁극적으로는 한반도 및 동아시아 안보불안 요인으로 접근했다. 닉슨·포드행정부 교체기 한국 인권 쟁점을 둘러싼 미 의회의 자유주의적 접근은 동아시아 지역의 전통적 안보 공약과 정치 자유화 문제를 둘러싼 미국적 딜레마로 이해될 수 있다. This study explores the emergence of the issues of security awareness concerning the East Asian region and political liberalization in the US administration and Congress shortly after the Vietnam War in 1973 from the perspective of Cold-war liberalism. With the rise of new security instability in East Asia, which had been formed by the learning effects of the Vietnam War, US congress criticized the administration's military security-oriented East Asian policy, and expanded security policy adjustments such as restricting and suspending military aid and withdrawing US troops from South Korea. Through the 1973 Foreign Assistance Act, Section 32 and the War Powers Act, US Congress gained the ground to check the military policy of the administration and the White House, and proposed a direction towards political liberalization centered around human rights issues in the aid recipient Third world countries. Amid a sense of crisis after Vietnam, the 1974 hearing on Korean human rights issues in US Congress approached the dictatorship and political oppression of Park Chung-hee as a factor in Korea's internal division and security instability in East Asia. The liberal approach of the US Congress over the issue of human rights in South Korea during the Nixon and Ford administrations could be understood as an American dilemma over traditional security pledges and political liberalization in East Asia.

4,19 이후 한국교회 갱신문제와 "참여" 이해 -장공 김재준의 정교분리 이해를 중심으로-

고지수 ( Ji Soo Koh ) 수선사학회 2016 史林 Vol.0 No.57

This paper deals with the movement of church renewal and the relationship between the state and church within Korean protestant church right after 4ㆍ19 by examining the works of Jangong Kim Jae-Jun and progressive theological groups. The protestant church, which had maintained a dense alliance with the state under the Rhee Syngman government, faced the demands of renewal and reformation spurt withinand outside the church after 4ㆍ19. This study approaches this issue from three perspectives. First, the study attempts to show both the efforts and the limitations of the Korean church for repairing the past by empirically examining the agendas of church renewal within reformist groups centered around Jangong Kim Jae-Jun. Second, the idea of the state-church separation developed by Kim Jae-Jun after 4ㆍ19 can be evaluated as a meaningful theological interpretation in the way that it revealed the causes of the state-church alliance in the history of Korean church. Kim Jae-Jun’s emphases on the non-political, social and ethical functions of the church as well as on the ‘responsible social participation’ of the church could be seen as being in accordance with the currents of the April Revolution. Third, the church renewal movement of Kim Jae-Jun and his colleagues had limitations in that it was reverted to the conservative church during the Second Republic. The progressive movement expanded during the Second Republic brought about the reinforcement of the notion of security and anticommunism within the protestant church, and resulted in the church’s support of the 5ㆍ16 coup which had ‘anticommunism’ as its national policy. In particular, in emphasizing the possibilities of the change of human nature in the religious realms, Kim Jae-Jun and the reformist groups actively accepted the logics of ‘human reconstruction’ presented by the post 5ㆍ16 military government, resulting in allying themselves with the state-dominated national reconstruction movement.

사이공 함락 이후 미 의회 한국 안보·인권 논쟁과 냉전 자유주의 접근 - 1975년 미 하원 “한국 인권 청문회”를 중심으로 -

고지수 ( Koh¸ Ji-soo ) 서울대학교 통일평화연구원 2021 통일과 평화 Vol.13 No.2

이 연구는 1975년 4월 미 하원 국제관계위원회 국제기구소위원회 주최로 열린 ‘한국·필리핀 인권문제와 미국정책’ 청문회를 통해 사이공 함락 직후 미국 사회에 형성된 동아시아 안보 인식 층위들을 확인하고자 했다. 사이공 함락 직후 ‘다음은 한반도가 될 것’이란 안보 불안은 한국 관련 여론을 분열시켰고 미국의 아시아, 대한정책에 대한 회의와 우려, 재검토를 촉구하는 여론을 확산시켰다. 베트남 붕괴 이후 미 의회는 남베트남 붕괴 원인을 권위주의 통치, 인권억압, 부패 권력이 국가 분열을 초래한 것으로 진단하고 정치적 자유 요인을 유도함으로써 국민통합과 지역 안정을 이루는 자유주의 논리를 강조하였다. 한국의 경우 청문회 증언들은 주한미군 감축, 군사원조 축소 등 유신 정부 ‘혼내주기’ 방법들을 제시했으나 미국의 동아시아 지역목표인 전쟁 재발 방지와 안보 균형 전략의 재확인으로 귀결되었다. 냉전기 미국 대외정책에서 민주주의 이상과 지역 안보이해가 상충할 때 현실주의적 현상 유지 전략의 귀결을 확인할 수 있다. This study aims to identify the levels of “East Asian security awareness” formed in American society immediately after the fall of Saigon through a hearing titled “Korea-Philippines Human Rights Issues and US Policy” held by the US House International Relations Committee's International Organizations, Human Rights and Oversight Subcommittee in April 1975. Immediately after the fall of Saigon, security concerns that the Korean Peninsula would be the next to fall divided public opinion in the US and kindled calls for a review of US skepticism and concerns about its policies on Asia and Korea. After the collapse of Vietnam, the US Congress diagnosed authoritarian rule, human rights suppression, and corruption power as causing national division, and emphasized liberal approaches to achieve national unity and regional stability by strengthening political freedom factors. In the case of South Korea, testimony at the hearing suggested a strategy of “reproach,” such as reduction of US forces in Korea and reduction of military aid to Yushin government, but it resulted in the re-confirmation of the US’ East Asian goals of deterrence and a strategic security balance. In US foreign policy, when the ideal of democracy and the Cold War regional security strategy conflict, one can identify the dilemma that results in the realism of maintaining the status quo.

1970년대 「한국민주회복통일촉진국민회의 미주본부」의 ‘선 민주·후 통일’ 노선과 자유연합 -김재준의 의장활동을 중심으로-

고지수 ( Koh Jisoo ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2020 역사학연구 Vol.80 No.-

이 글은 1970년대‘한국민주회복통일촉진국민회의 미주본부(한민통 미주본부)’의 반 유신 운동을 ‘선 민주·후 통일’지도이념에 따른 냉전기 자유연합 노선으로 규명하고자 하였다. 1970년대 미주 한인사회는 폐쇄된 국내조건과 달리반 유신 체제 비판과 통일논의가 가능했다. 한민통 미주본부는 1973년 7월 야당 정치인 김대중의 유신체제 비판에 공감한 미주 한인들의 결합으로 결성되었다. 개신교 배경의 명망가들이 모여 느슨한 조직체로 출발한 한민통 미주본부는 1974년 11월 국내 민주인사이자 개신교 자유주의신학자 김재준의 결합으로 제1차 총회를 개최하여 자유진영 연합 노선을 채택하였다. 1976년 제3차 총회 이후 국내에서 선포된 「3·1민주구국선언」을 지도노선으로 채택하여 자유민주주의 정치이념과 ‘선 민주·후 통일’노선을 천명함으로써 초대의장 김대중의 정치노선으로 조직이념을 강화했다. 현실적으로는 미 의회 및 행정부, 미국교회 등의 대한정책 변화를 요구함으로써 박정희 유신정부를 압박하는 자유연합노선으로 전개되었다. 한민통 미주본부의 자유연합 노선은 1970년대 후반 해외 한인민족민주 흐름에서 민족자주계열의 동포연합운동과 대조를 이루는‘보수화 경향’으로 설명된다. This article sought to identify the anti-Yushin movement of “the Korean Congress for Democracy and Unification-North American Branch(한민통 미주본부)”as the Principle of "선 민주·후 통일“ in the 1970s. In the 1970s, unlike closed domestic conditions, the Korean community in the U.S. was able to criticize the anti-Yushin system and discuss unification. “The Korean Congress for Democracy and Unification-North American Branch(한민통 미주본부)” was formed as a union of Korean Americans who sympathized with opposition politician Kim Dae-jung's criticism of the Yushin regime in July 1973. The Korean Congress for Democracy and Unification(한민 통 미주본부), which started out as a loose organization of famous Protestant backgrounds, held the 1st General Assembly in November 1974 with the union of domestic democratic man and Protestant liberal theologian Kim Jae-joon, and adopted the line of Free-World Alliance. After the 3rd General Assembly in 1976, the “3·1 Democratic Declaration” was adopted as the guide principle and declared the liberal democratic political ideology and the line of “선 민주·후 통일.” In reality, the line was developed as a free-world alliance that pressed the Park Chung-hee Yushin administration by demanding policy changes to the US Congress, the administration, and the American church. The free-world alliance line of “The Korean Congress for Democracy and Unification-North American Branch(한민통 미주본 부)” is in contrast to the national independence line in the Korean- American national democratic coalition movement abroad in the late 1970s.

1970년대 한국기독자교수협의회연구 - 에큐메니컬 개발신학과 ‘한국 민중론’을 중심으로

고지수(Koh Ji Soo) 한국사학회 2021 史學硏究 Vol.- No.142

한국기독자교수협의회는 현대 세계교회 에큐메니컬 사회선교 조직으로 출발했으며 기독교 현실주의, 지성주의, 합리적 비판주의 등을 공유하는 집단 지성의 특징을 보인다. 근본주의 보수신학을 배경으로 한 한국개신교에서 종교 세속화를 주도한 기독자교수협의회는 1960년대 에큐메니컬 개발신학에 호응해 제3세계 저개발국의 인간개발·사회발전 담론 형성을 주도했다. 유신 전기 기독자교수협의회의 종교적 인간개발 담론으로 ‘신학적 인간화(Theology of Humanization)’는 한국사회 산업화 과정에서 생산 주체·노동 주체 담론인 민중신학으로 발전된다. 긴급조치 9호 이후 대학 기반을 상실한 교수협의회의 민중신학은 노동윤리·인간 해방 윤리를 강조함으로써 노동자·농민, 도시 빈민 등 기층세력과 결합 가능성이 높았다. 교수협의회의 민중주체 담론은 1970년대 산업자본주의 형성과정에서 국가 영역의 개발독재 담론에 대한 기층 민중의 노동 주체화·사회화 담론으로 기능했다. The Korean Christian Faculties began as a collective intelligence that shares Christian realism, intellectualism, and rational criticism under the influence of the Ecumenical Social Mission of the Modern World Church. The Korean Christian Faculties, which led the secularization of Korean churches, led the formation of human development and social development discourse in third world underdeveloped countries in response to ecumenical development theology in the 1960s. The religious discourse of the Korean Christian Faculties develops into secularization, indigenousization, and humanization under under the decree of the "Missio Dei” theology in the 1950s. “Theology of Humanization” of the Korean Christian Faculties has been developed into “Minjung(민중) Theology” since 1975. In the 1970s, the Korean Christian Faculties"s discourse on ‘Minjung’ increased the level of union with the underlying forces such as lower class workers, farmers, and urban poor by emphasizing the liberation ethic of industrial and social structural contradictions. In particular, the Korean Christian Faculties’s ‘Minjung Theology,’ after the emergency measure No. 9 served as a counter ideology that wiped out the discourse on development dictatorship of Yushin government and promoted labor independence and socialization of the underlying people.