족청·족청계의 이념과 활동

후지이,다께시 성균관대학교 일반대학원 2010 국내박사

Examined in this thesis is the nature of the ideas that were pursued by the National Youth Corps(NYC) and the RYC[Racial Youth Corps] faction(NYC's de-facto successor). And as not only their ideas but also their actions are worth evaluating in political or ideological contexts, their activities will be examined here as well. The ideas of the NYC/RYC faction originated in the 1930s. First there was LEE Bum-Suk, who had been involved in the national liberation movement inside China. He had the opportunity to encounter Fascism(as an ideology) while he was undergoing some training in the Central Training Corps(CTC) established by CHIAN Kai-Shek(蔣介石) in the late 1930s. Second, there was AN Ho-Sang, another representative figure of the RYC faction who was taught by a rather racist philosopher in Germany in the 1920s. During his stay there he was inspired especially by Kant and Hegel. He was intrigued by the importance of discipline emphasized by Kant, and by the absolute determination of the Volk argued by Hegel. In the 1930s he encountered the Eastern philosophy, and also had the chance to closely examine the WANG Yang-Ming's idea "the unity of Knowledge and Action" philosophy[知行合一], which was considered very important by no other than CHIAN Kai-Shek. And third there was YANG Woo-Jung, who was another representative figure of the RYC faction. He had been involved in the Socialist movement since the latter half of the 1920s, until he was arrested. He later converted in 1934, and came to emphasize the concept of 'family' instead of Communism. His ‘Family-ism’ shared its logic structure with the Japanese Fascism, while it also maintained a connection with Nationalism. As we can see, the primary voices of the RYC faction all displayed a stance of Nationalism which had ties with Fascism. Their philosophy became more apparent after the Korean Liberation. The NYC organized in 1946 served as a leading entity of that philosophy. NYC was organized with full support of the U.S. Military Government, which intended to create a group of Pro-American youths under an atmosphere in which the Left-Right coalition was being contemplated. Yet unlike the Americans' intentions, the NYC members were trained under a program that was very much similar to that of the Chinese CTC, and they came to feature a Fascist kind of Nationalism as well. NYC claimed that they would adhere to three principles, namely ‘non-political, non-military, and non-faction,’ and unlike other youth groups which usually resorted to violent Anti-Communist activities, it concentrated its efforts upon expanding the organization through training, and it also actively recruited Left wing members, or people who had been affiliated with the Left in the past. The NYC had to go through some internal conflicts as the organization decided to enter the May 10th election of 1948, yet they managed to elect more than a few national representatives. Also, NYC became the new partner of Syngman RHEE, as he was elected President and lost his own alliance with the Korean Democratic party. LEE Bum-Suk became Prime Minister and Secretary of Defense, while AN Ho-Sang was named Secretary of Culture and Education. LEE Bum-Suk newly opened an Office of Political Affairs inside the Defense Ministry, and in order to create an Anti-Communist army he intended to provide the soldiers with political training just as the Chinese National Revolutionary Army did in the past. AN Ho-Sang as well promoted racist nationalism under the name of 'democratic national education,' and continued to attack individualism and internationalism. Their such stances and policy certainly alarmed the U.S., and as Syngman RHEE and LEE Bum-Suk clashed over the issue of dismantling the NYC, LEE Bum-Suk had to resign from the seat of Defense secretary. As LEE Bum-Suk eventually lost control of the military which he wanted to establish in the future as his own power base, NYC was finally disbanded. Yet at this juncture the so-called "One Nation Principle" was brought to the people's attention. This 'One Nation Principle' was suggested in order to convert the Left wing activists and recruit them into the fold. It was necessary for them to do so as the National Guidance Alliance was formed in April 1949, in an atmosphere which required the Korean government to establish an Anti-Communist regime of their own to adjust to a new kind of reality of U.S. forces pulling out of the Korean peninsula. YANG Woo-Jung served as the leading figure in the task of officializing such principle. This "principle" strongly reflected a Fascist kind of Nationalism, and emphasized the significance of international antagonism going on between races(nations), instead of domestic class antagonism. The 'Anti-Imperialist' stance of the people who argued the implementation of this principle was quite similar to that of an U.S. strategy which actively utilized Nationalist agendas in order to plant dissension amongst the 'Communist camp'(the "Wedge strategy"). But at the same time it was essentially yet another variation of 'recruiting Left wing members through Nationalism,' which was employed by the NYC in the past. Especially LEE Bum-Suk, who was very much inspired by CHIAN Kai-Shek and considered him as a role model, needed this 'One Nation Principle' just like CHIAN had the "Three Principles of the People(三民主義)." LEE Bum-Suk took control of the 'Society for the Diffusion of the One Nation Principle,' and tried to establish it as a national platform for expansion, and as AN Ho-Sang refined the principle and YANG Woo-Jung joined their efforts, the 'RYC faction' was formed based upon this principle. They wanted to expand the organization while they were still serving the government. They wanted to use their influence in expanding the fold. Yet their plan was thwarted when LEE Bum-Suk resigned from the seat of Prime Minister in April 1950, and AN Ho-Sang resigned from the Culture/Education Minister seat in May the same year. The Korean war that broke out in June of 1950 provided the RYC faction with yet another opportunity. LEE Bum-Suk, being a born soldier, must have favored the situation. Yet the U.S. Embassy continued to hinder his efforts, so LEE Bum-Suk visited Taiwan to explore another opportunity from his relationship with CHIAN Kai-Shek. The U.S. forces' rollback eventually did not happen, much to the disappointment of LEE Bum-Suk, yet in Taiwan LEE witnessed the consolidation of the CHIAN Kai-Shek regime, through the reformation of the Chinese Nationalist Party(Kuomintang). He returned to Korea and joined the plans to organize a new party, which he modified to reflect the characteristics of the Kuomintang. The birth of a new political party of such nature was also in the keen interest of Syngman RHEE, as he needed a new kind of people's organization to suppress the National Assembly. LEE Bum-Suk seized the vice chairman of this new (Outside) Liberal Party, and was granted with power only second to Syngman RHEE. The activities of the RYC faction that continued through this (Outside) Liberal Party reached its peak during the political incident that occurred in Busan, in which members of the RYC demanded the National Assembly to amend the constitution to enable a direct presidential election. They demanded it with violence. RYC faction succeeded in displaying its influence and power by mobilizing people through 'local representatives,’ yet the U.S. regarded LEE Bum-Suk as the key person who was behind this Busan incident all along. Due to the operations of the alarmed U.S. Intelligence, and the repercussions of certain inner strifes that occurred among Syngman RHEE supporters, LEE Bum-Suk founded himself once again on the opposite side of Syngman RHEE, and failed to be elected as Vice President in the upcoming election. The RYC faction had to tend to its wounds for some time, and while it rebounded and took control of the Liberal Party again amidst a nationwide movement opposing the Cease-fire agreement that hit the society since the Spring of 1953, Syngman RHEE finally ordered the elimination of the RYC faction while LEE Bum-Suk was out of the country, and as the Cease-fire agreement was put in place, the RYC faction members were expelled from the upper echelon of the government entirely. The history of the RYC faction shows us how Fascism was appropriated after the 2nd World War, and how that came into conflict with the Cold War system. 이 글은 조선민족청년단(이하 족청)과 그 실질적 후신인 족청계의 이념과 활동의 양상을 사상사/정치사적 관점에서 살펴본 것이다. 족청/족청계의 사상적 기원은 대체로 1930년대에 있다. 중국에서 독립운동을 하던 이범석은 1930년대 말에 蔣介石이 개설한 중앙훈련단에서 훈련을 받으면서 蔣介石식의 파시즘 사상을 익히게 되었으며, 족청계의 대표적 이데올로그인 안호상은 독일에서 인종주의적인 경향을 띤 철학자의 지도를 받으면서 칸트식의 규율의 중요성과 헤겔식의 민족의 절대적 규정성을 핵심으로 하는 사상을 형성했다. 또 하나의 대표적 이데올로그인 양우정은 사회주의운동을 하다 검거되어 1934년에 전향하게 되었는데, 그러면서 그가 공산주의에 대치시킨 것이 ‘가족’이었다. 이 가족주의는 일본 파시즘과 논리를 공유하면서도 민족주의와 연결될 수도 있는 것이었다. 이와 같이 족청계 핵심인사들의 사상은 파시즘과 관계를 가지면서 형성된 민족주의였다. 이들의 사상은 해방 이후에 본격적으로 그 모습을 드러내게 되는데, 그 중심이 1946년에 조직된 족청이었다. 족청은, 좌우합작을 추진해야 하는 상황 속에서 친미적인 청년을 양성하려는 미군정의 전면적인 후원을 받았는데, 그 의도와 달리 족청의 훈련방식은 중국의 중앙훈련단을 모방한 것이었으며 그 이념 역시 파시즘적인 경향이 강한 민족주의였다. 족청은 폭력적인 대공투쟁을 일삼던 기타 청년단들과 달리 훈련을 통한 조직 확장에 치중했으며 그 가운데 좌익(출신)들을 적극적으로 포섭하기도 했다. 족청은 분단정부 수립에 참여해 이범석이 국무총리 겸 국방부 장관으로, 안호상이 문교부 장관으로 임명되는 등 정부에서 요직을 차지했다. 이범석은 반공군대 건설을 위해 군인에 대한 정치교육을 실시하려고 했으며 안호상은 민주적 민족교육이라는 이름 아래 개인주의와 국제주의를 배격하고 인종주의적인 민족주의를 고취했다. 이런 정책은 미국 측의 경계를 사게 되어 족청 해산을 둘러싼 갈등과 맞물리면서 이범석은 국방부 장관을 그만두게 되었다. 자기 기반으로 삼고자 했던 군을 잃게 되고 족청이 해산당하면서 이범석이 새로이 활용하려고 한 것이 일민주의였다. 일민주의는 미군 철수가 결정되어 독자적인 반공체제 확립이 시급했던 1949년 봄에 좌익을 전향시키고 포섭하기 위해 체계화된 이념체계였으며, 그것을 주도한 인물이 양우정이었다. 그의 일민주의는 국내의 계급모순을 국제적인 민족모순으로 치환시키는 논리를 지닌 것이었다. 당시 일민주의가 보여준 ‘반제국주의적’ 성격은 족청과도 공통적인 것이었는데, 蔣介石을 모델로 삼던 이범석에게 삼민주의와 같은 역할을 할 수 있는 일민주의는 꼭 필요한 것이었다. 이에 이범석은 일민주의보급회를 장악해 전국적인 기반으로 삼으려 했으며 안호상은 일민주의를 재정립했다. 양우정도 이에 합세해 일민주의를 매개로 족청계가 형성되기 시작했다. 하지만 관직을 이용해 일민주의보급회를 확대하려 했던 이들의 시도는 이범석과 안호상이 1950년 봄에 해임되면서 좌절되고 만다. 족청계는 일단 권력에서 물러났지만 한국전쟁은 군인인 이범석에게 부활의 기회일 수 있었다. 그러나 미 대사관의 방해를 받자 이범석은 蔣介石과의 관계를 통해 부활의 기회를 노리고자 대만에 가게 되었다. 대만에서 이범석은 중국국민당의 개조를 통한 蔣介石체제의 공고화를 목도하게 되었는데, 1951년 8월에 귀국한 이범석이 당시 구상되기 시작한 신당의 모델로 활용한 것이 개조된 중국국민당이었다. 이와 같이 원외자유당 탄생에 핵심적인 역할을 한 이범석은 원외자유당 부당수가 되었다. 다시 이범석이 이승만을 이은 제2인자 자리를 확보한 것이다. 원외자유당을 통한 족청계의 활동은 국회에 대통령직선제 개헌을 강요한 부산정치파동에서 절정에 달했다. 족청계는 ‘민의 동원’ 등에서 그 힘을 과시했는데, 그 결과 이범석은 부산정치파동의 주동인물로 지목되었다. 미국 측의 공작과 이승만 지지세력 내부의 갈등이 맞물리면서 이범석은 또 다시 이승만의 경계대상이 되어 부통령선거에서 낙선하게 되었다. 수세로 밀린 족청계는 다시 공세를 펴 자유당을 거의 장악하게 되지만 이범석이 없는 사이에 이승만이 족청계 제거를 명령해 휴전체제 성립과 때를 같이해서 족청계는 권력 중추부에서 사라지게 되었다.

일본인 결혼이주여성의 한국어 비동의 화행 연구 : 가족 관계를 중심으로

후지이 지후미 韓國學中央硏究院 韓國學大學院 2022 국내석사

国際結婚によって韓国に移住した女性を韓国では結婚移住女性という。本論文では学問を目的とした韓国語学習者ではなく、このように結婚により韓国に在住する日本人女性の韓国語不同意発話行為を分析し、教育指導の基礎資料とすることを目的とする。不同意発話行為は相手の意見や考えを否定することにつながるため、フェイス・リスクのある行為であるといえる。結婚移住女性にとってこのような不同意会話の語用論的問題はともすると家庭内の葛藤への原因ともなりうるため、その違いを認知することが重要であり、日常で頻繁に起りうるシチュエーションであるという面で適切な教育が必要となる。本論文では家族の対話の中で起こりうる不同意会話を中心にその様相を分析した。家族内の地位(義父母、夫、子女)と心理的負担という2つの要因を中心に18個のシチュエーションを設定し、日本人結婚移住女性、韓国人既婚女性、日本人既婚女性の3つのグループ、各33名を対象にそれぞれの状況に対する心理的負担と不同意発話行為を遂行するかどうか、また実際に行う場合はそのストラテジーを談話完成テスト(Discourse Completion Test, DCT) の内容を中心に分析した。 本論文の構成はつぎの通りである。第1章では研究目的と必要性を明らかにし、主題と関連した不同意発話と結婚移住女性の先行研究を検討した。続いて、日本人結婚移住女性の不同意発話の様相を分析するための問題提起を明らかにした。 本論文で考察する内容はつぎの通りである。1)日本人結婚移住女性、韓国人既婚女性、日本人既婚女性は家族内の地位と不同意状況によって感じる心理的負担に差があるか。2)日本人結婚移住女性、韓国人既婚女性、日本人既婚女性は家族内の地位と心理的負担によって不同意発話実現に違いが見られるか。3)日本人結婚移住女性、韓国人既婚女性、日本人既婚女性は家族内の地位、心理的負担により使うストラテジーに違いがあるか。以上のことを考察することにより日本結婚移住女性の不同意発話の様相を分析し、後の指導方法に活かせるのではないかと考えた。 第2章では不同意発話行為に関する理論的背景とその範囲を考察し、本研究で使用するストラテジーの枠を構築した。ストラテジーは大きく明示的ストラテジー、暗示的ストラテジー、補助ストラテジーに分けて、その詳細を分析した。 第3章では研究方法について詳細に記述した。各シチュエーションの設定と2回にわたる予備調査により明らかになった問題点を考察し改善事項を提示した。またデータの収集方法と分析方法について記述した。 第4章では日本人既婚女性の不同意発話の様相について考察した。まず日本人結婚移住女性グループは義父母と夫に対する不同意会話での心理的負担が他のグループに比べ相対的に高い傾向にあり、義父母と子女の心理的負担の結果に統計的な差異が見られた。また日本人結婚移住女性のグループには義父母に対して不同意会話を行わないという回答が比較的多かった反面、夫と子女に対しては積極的に反対意見を言う傾向があった。これらは韓国人既婚女性グループと類似しており、日本人既婚女性グループには家族内の地位による差は見られなかった。つまり、義父母という年輩の人には逆らわないという儒教文化が韓国には日本より強く浸透しており、日本人結婚移住女性グループはこのような韓国文化と比較的高い心理的負担の両方の影響からより顕著な違いが現れたと示唆される。日本人結婚移住女性は義父母や夫への心理的負担が高い不同意状況では全般的に韓国人既婚女性と似たストラテジーを使用していたが、明示的ストラテジーを避け、暗示的ストラテジーあるいは補助ストラテジーを多く使う傾向にあった。また補助ストラテジーの中では、韓国人既婚女性が頻繁に使う相手の呼称を呼ぶ'呼称'ストラテジーと日本人既婚女性がよく使う相手の会話に一時的に同意する'形式的表現'ストラテジーの両方を使う中間言語的特徴も観察された。 最後に第5章では本論文の結果を要約し、本研究がもつ意義と問題点について整理した。本論文は結婚移住女性を対象にした韓国語の不同意発話行為の研究がこれまであまりなく、日本人結婚移住女性のみを対象にした発話行為の研究が多くなかった点、また不同意状況の心理的負担を分析し、心理的負担と家族内の地位による不同意会話の様相を比較したという点に意義を見いだすことができるであろう。一方で被験者の人数が十分ではなく、韓国家庭で起りうる不同意状況として設定したシチュエーションであるが、日本の家庭では若干不自然に感じられる状況も多少含まれた点、分析結果を元に日本人結婚移住女性の不同意会話の教育指導の法案を提示できなかったというリミットがある。 After analysis of the Korean speech act of disagreement in Japanese marriage migrant women, the aim of this study was to prepare basic educational materials to teach Japanese marriage migrant women the speech act of disagreement. The term marriage migrant women refers to women who live in Korea through marriage. The speech act of disagreement is a speech act that has face-threatening acts (FTA) of the interlocutor. The problem with the pragmatics of the speech act of disagreement for marriage migrant women is it may lead to domestic conflict if done incorrectly and therefore a wise response is important. In particular, appropriate education is needed for these situations which are frequently encountered in daily life. In this study, 18 situations were constructed to analyze the speech act of disagreement within familial conversation focusing on the variables of one’s status in a family, (the power within the family relationship with parents-in-law, husband and child), and psychological burdens. Data was collected for analysis through a discourse completion test (DCT) questioning whether the participants, 33 Japanese marriage migrant women, 33 married Korean women, and 33 married Japanese women, would or would not utter a disagreement, their disagreement strategy, and the psychological burden of each situation. This study examined the following issues. First, is there a difference in psychological burdens for Japanese marriage migrant women, married Korean women, and married Japanese women depending on the situation and status in the family? Second, is there a difference in the utterance of disagreement among the three groups depending on the situation and status in the family? Lastly, is there a difference in the disagreement strategies among the three groups depending on the situation and status in the family? In the comparison of psychological burdens, Japanese marriage migrant women felt a relatively higher burden from parents-in-law and husbands but a lower burden from their children than the other groups. The difference was found to be statistically significant. Also, Japanese marriage migrant women were relatively passive in expressing disagreement toward their parents-in-law, whereas they were more active in expressing disagreement with their husbands and children than other groups. This pattern was also observed in married Korean women whose psychological burden did not differ according to their status in the family, but this could be seen as the influence of Confucianism in Korean culture to not confront the older generation. Contrary to the expectation that the groups would not express disagreement in situations with high burdens, all three groups tended to be rather more active in expressing disagreement in situations with a high burden. This could be because these are serious family matters that require a clear expression of one's intentions such as situations within the family with a high psychological burden such as co-habitation and investments. The disagreement strategy of Japanese marriage migrant women was generally similar to that of married Korean women. However, they have a tendency to avoid explicit disagreement strategies and use implicit strategies or supporting strategies more than other groups. As a supporting strategy married Korean women were found to use 'addressing strategy' at a higher frequency while married Japanese women frequently used 'token agreement strategy'. With the Japanese marriage migrant women, interlanguage characteristics appeared where they used both strategies. Lastly, Chapter V summarizes and organizes the results of this study focusing on research problems and summarizes the limitations and significance of this study. The significance of this study is that few studies have analyzed speech acts of Japanese marriage migrant women, that despite disagreements being a face threatening act (FTA) that occurs frequently in daily life there are almost no studies focused on married migrant women, and that the psychological burden was analyzed and the resulting modality of disagreement and disagreement strategies were compared. However, the study had some limitations such as the number of subjects was not sufficient, the situations were those found in Korean families and therefore included situations that could be awkward to Japanese families, and based on the results it was not possible to present a detailed speech act of disagreement education plan Japanese marriage migrant women. 본 연구는 일본인 결혼이주여성의 한국어 비동의 화행 양상을 분석하고 향후 일본인 결혼이주여성의 비동의 화행 교육을 위한 기초 자료를 마련하는 데 그 목적을 두었다. 비동의 화행이란 상대 의견에 대하여 동의하지 않음을 드러내는 화행으로 상대 체면을 손상할 가능성이 있다. 결혼이주여성에게 이러한 비동의 화행의 화용적 문제는 자칫 잘못하면 가정 내 갈등으로 이어질 수 있는데 그동안 결혼이주여성을 대상으로 한 비동의 화행 연구는 많지 않았다. 본고에서는 가족 간 대화 속에 나타나는 비동의 화행 양상을 고찰하기 위하여 가족 내 지위와 심리적 부담감이라는 두 변인을 중심으로 18개 상황을 구성하였다. 그리고 일본인 결혼이주여성과 한국인 기혼여성, 일본인 기혼여성 각 33명을 대상으로 각 상황에 대한 심리적 부담감과 비동의 화행 실현 여부를 질문한 뒤, 담화 완성형 테스트(Discourse Completion Test, DCT) 문항 조사결과로 세 집단이 사용하는 전략을 분석하였다. 본 연구의 구성을 살펴보면 다음과 같다. Ⅰ장에서는 본 연구의 목적과 필요성을 밝히고 본 연구의 주제와 관련된 비동의 화행과 결혼이주여성의 화행에 관한 선행 연구를 검토하였다. 이어 일본인 결혼이주여성의 비동의 화행 양상을 분석하기 위한 연구 문제를 제시하였다. 본고에서 고찰한 연구 문제는 다음 세 가지이다. 첫째, 일본인 결혼이주여성과 한국인 기혼여성, 일본인 기혼여성은 가족 내 지위와 비동의 상황에 따라 느끼는 심리적 부담감에 차이가 있는가? 둘째, 일본인 결혼이주여성과 한국인 기혼여성, 일본인 기혼여성은 가족 내 지위와 심리적 부담감, 비동의 상황에 따라 비동의 화행 실현 여부에 차이가 있는가? 마지막으로 일본인 결혼이주여성과 한국인 기혼여성, 일본인 기혼여성은 가족 내 지위와 심리적 부담감에 따라 사용하는 전략에 차이가 있는가? Ⅱ장에서는 비동의 화행에 관한 이론적 배경을 살폈다. 먼저 비동의 화행의 개념과 범위에 대하여 검토한 뒤 본 연구에서 사용하는 비동의 화행 전략의 분석 틀을 선행 연구를 중심으로 검토하였다. 전략은 크게 명시적 비동의 전략, 암시적 비동의 전략, 부가 전략 유형으로 나눈 뒤 그 하위 전략을 설정하였다. Ⅲ장에서는 본 연구의 논의를 위해 필요한 연구 방법에 관하여 상세히 기술하였다. 예비 실험은 비동의 화행 분석을 위하여 설정한 상황의 개연성 조사 및 DCT 적합성 조사를 시행하였다. 그 후 예비 실험을 통해서 드러난 문제점을 살펴보고 개선 사항을 제시하였다. 또한, 자료 수집 도구와 분석 방법에 관하여 기술하였다. Ⅳ장에서는 일본인 결혼이주여성의 비동의 화행 양상을 고찰하였다. 먼저 심리적 부담감 비교에서 일본인 결혼이주여성은 시부모와 남편에게 다른 집단보다 상대적으로 높은 부담도를 보인 반면 자녀에게는 부담도가 낮은 경우가 많았고, 그 차이가 통계적으로도 유의하게 나타났다. 또한, 일본인 결혼이주여성은 상대적으로 시부모에게 비동의 표현에 소극적인 반면 남편과 자녀에게는 다른 집단보다 적극적으로 표현하는 양상을 보였다. 이러한 양상은 심리적 부담감 면에서 가족 내 지위에 따라 차이가 나타나지 않았던 한국 기혼여성에게도 관찰되었는데 윗세대에 맞서지 않는 한국 유교 문화의 영향으로도 볼 수 있었다. 한편 심리적 부담감이 높은 상황에서는 비동의 표현을 하지 않을 것이라는 예상과 달리 세 집단 모두 부담감이 높은 상황에서 오히려 적극적으로 표현하는 경향이 있었다. 가족 내 대화에서 심리적 부담감이 높은 상황이란 ‘동거’나 ‘투자’처럼 가족의 중대사 문제를 결정할 때 주로 나타나는데 이러한 상황에 직면하면 의사 표현을 분명히 할 필요가 있기 때문이다. 일본인 결혼이주여성이 사용한 비동의 화행 전략은 전반적으로 한국인 기혼여성과 유사한 전략을 사용하고 있었는데 일본인 결혼이주여성은 명시적 비동의 전략을 피하고 암시적 전략이나 부가 전략을 더 사용하는 경향이 있었다. 부가 전략 사용에서는 한국인 기혼여성이 높은 빈도로 사용하는 ‘호칭 부르기’ 전략과 일본인 기혼여성이 빈번히 사용하는 ‘형식적 표현’ 전략을 둘 다 사용하는 등 중간언어적 특징이 나타났다. 마지막으로 Ⅴ장은 Ⅳ장에서 분석한 결과를 연구 문제를 중심으로 요약 및 정리하고 본 연구가 가지고 있는 한계와 의의를 정리하였다. 본 연구는 그동안 일본인 결혼이주여성만을 대상으로 분석한 화행 연구가 많지 않았다는 점, 비동의 화행은 생활 속에서 빈번히 일어날 수 있는 체면 손상 위협 행위임에도 불구하고 결혼이주여성을 대상으로 진행한 연구가 거의 없었다는 점, 심리적 부담감을 분석하고 그에 따른 비동의 화행 실현 양상과 비동의 화행 전략을 비교하였다는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것이다. 하지만 피험자의 수가 충분하지 못했다는 점과 한국 가정에서 일어날 수 있는 상황으로 설정하였지만, 일본 가정에서는 어색할 수 있는 상황이 다소 포함되었다는 점, 결과를 토대로 일본인 결혼이주여성의 비동의 화행 교육 방안에 대해 구체적으로 제시하지 못했다는 점 등에서 한계를 가진다.

족청·족청계의 이념과 활동

후지이 다케시 成均館大學校 2010 국내박사

Examined in this thesis is the nature of the ideas that were pursued by the National Youth Corps(NYC) and the RYC[Racial Youth Corps] faction(NYC's de-facto successor). And as not only their ideas but also their actions are worth evaluating in political or ideological contexts, their activities will be examined here as well. The ideas of the NYC/RYC faction originated in the 1930s. First there was LEE Bum-Suk, who had been involved in the national liberation movement inside China. He had the opportunity to encounter Fascism(as an ideology) while he was undergoing some training in the Central Training Corps(CTC) established by CHIAN Kai-Shek(蔣介石) in the late 1930s. Second, there was AN Ho-Sang, another representative figure of the RYC faction who was taught by a rather racist philosopher in Germany in the 1920s. During his stay there he was inspired especially by Kant and Hegel. He was intrigued by the importance of discipline emphasized by Kant, and by the absolute determination of the Volk argued by Hegel. In the 1930s he encountered the Eastern philosophy, and also had the chance to closely examine the WANG Yang-Ming's idea "the unity of Knowledge and Action" philosophy[知行合一], which was considered very important by no other than CHIAN Kai-Shek. And third there was YANG Woo-Jung, who was another representative figure of the RYC faction. He had been involved in the Socialist movement since the latter half of the 1920s, until he was arrested. He later converted in 1934, and came to emphasize the concept of 'family' instead of Communism. His ‘Family-ism’ shared its logic structure with the Japanese Fascism, while it also maintained a connection with Nationalism. As we can see, the primary voices of the RYC faction all displayed a stance of Nationalism which had ties with Fascism. Their philosophy became more apparent after the Korean Liberation. The NYC organized in 1946 served as a leading entity of that philosophy. NYC was organized with full support of the U.S. Military Government, which intended to create a group of Pro-American youths under an atmosphere in which the Left-Right coalition was being contemplated. Yet unlike the Americans' intentions, the NYC members were trained under a program that was very much similar to that of the Chinese CTC, and they came to feature a Fascist kind of Nationalism as well. NYC claimed that they would adhere to three principles, namely ‘non-political, non-military, and non-faction,’ and unlike other youth groups which usually resorted to violent Anti-Communist activities, it concentrated its efforts upon expanding the organization through training, and it also actively recruited Left wing members, or people who had been affiliated with the Left in the past. The NYC had to go through some internal conflicts as the organization decided to enter the May 10th election of 1948, yet they managed to elect more than a few national representatives. Also, NYC became the new partner of Syngman RHEE, as he was elected President and lost his own alliance with the Korean Democratic party. LEE Bum-Suk became Prime Minister and Secretary of Defense, while AN Ho-Sang was named Secretary of Culture and Education. LEE Bum-Suk newly opened an Office of Political Affairs inside the Defense Ministry, and in order to create an Anti-Communist army he intended to provide the soldiers with political training just as the Chinese National Revolutionary Army did in the past. AN Ho-Sang as well promoted racist nationalism under the name of 'democratic national education,' and continued to attack individualism and internationalism. Their such stances and policy certainly alarmed the U.S., and as Syngman RHEE and LEE Bum-Suk clashed over the issue of dismantling the NYC, LEE Bum-Suk had to resign from the seat of Defense secretary. As LEE Bum-Suk eventually lost control of the military which he wanted to establish in the future as his own power base, NYC was finally disbanded. Yet at this juncture the so-called "One Nation Principle" was brought to the people's attention. This 'One Nation Principle' was suggested in order to convert the Left wing activists and recruit them into the fold. It was necessary for them to do so as the National Guidance Alliance was formed in April 1949, in an atmosphere which required the Korean government to establish an Anti-Communist regime of their own to adjust to a new kind of reality of U.S. forces pulling out of the Korean peninsula. YANG Woo-Jung served as the leading figure in the task of officializing such principle. This "principle" strongly reflected a Fascist kind of Nationalism, and emphasized the significance of international antagonism going on between races(nations), instead of domestic class antagonism. The 'Anti-Imperialist' stance of the people who argued the implementation of this principle was quite similar to that of an U.S. strategy which actively utilized Nationalist agendas in order to plant dissension amongst the 'Communist camp'(the "Wedge strategy"). But at the same time it was essentially yet another variation of 'recruiting Left wing members through Nationalism,' which was employed by the NYC in the past. Especially LEE Bum-Suk, who was very much inspired by CHIAN Kai-Shek and considered him as a role model, needed this 'One Nation Principle' just like CHIAN had the "Three Principles of the People(三民主義)." LEE Bum-Suk took control of the 'Society for the Diffusion of the One Nation Principle,' and tried to establish it as a national platform for expansion, and as AN Ho-Sang refined the principle and YANG Woo-Jung joined their efforts, the 'RYC faction' was formed based upon this principle. They wanted to expand the organization while they were still serving the government. They wanted to use their influence in expanding the fold. Yet their plan was thwarted when LEE Bum-Suk resigned from the seat of Prime Minister in April 1950, and AN Ho-Sang resigned from the Culture/Education Minister seat in May the same year. The Korean war that broke out in June of 1950 provided the RYC faction with yet another opportunity. LEE Bum-Suk, being a born soldier, must have favored the situation. Yet the U.S. Embassy continued to hinder his efforts, so LEE Bum-Suk visited Taiwan to explore another opportunity from his relationship with CHIAN Kai-Shek. The U.S. forces' rollback eventually did not happen, much to the disappointment of LEE Bum-Suk, yet in Taiwan LEE witnessed the consolidation of the CHIAN Kai-Shek regime, through the reformation of the Chinese Nationalist Party(Kuomintang). He returned to Korea and joined the plans to organize a new party, which he modified to reflect the characteristics of the Kuomintang. The birth of a new political party of such nature was also in the keen interest of Syngman RHEE, as he needed a new kind of people's organization to suppress the National Assembly. LEE Bum-Suk seized the vice chairman of this new (Outside) Liberal Party, and was granted with power only second to Syngman RHEE. The activities of the RYC faction that continued through this (Outside) Liberal Party reached its peak during the political incident that occurred in Busan, in which members of the RYC demanded the National Assembly to amend the constitution to enable a direct presidential election. They demanded it with violence. RYC faction succeeded in displaying its influence and power by mobilizing people through 'local representatives,’ yet the U.S. regarded LEE Bum-Suk as the key person who was behind this Busan incident all along. Due to the operations of the alarmed U.S. Intelligence, and the repercussions of certain inner strifes that occurred among Syngman RHEE supporters, LEE Bum-Suk founded himself once again on the opposite side of Syngman RHEE, and failed to be elected as Vice President in the upcoming election. The RYC faction had to tend to its wounds for some time, and while it rebounded and took control of the Liberal Party again amidst a nationwide movement opposing the Cease-fire agreement that hit the society since the Spring of 1953, Syngman RHEE finally ordered the elimination of the RYC faction while LEE Bum-Suk was out of the country, and as the Cease-fire agreement was put in place, the RYC faction members were expelled from the upper echelon of the government entirely. The history of the RYC faction shows us how Fascism was appropriated after the 2nd World War, and how that came into conflict with the Cold War system. 이 글은 조선민족청년단(이하 족청)과 그 실질적 후신인 족청계의 이념과 활동의 양상을 사상사/정치사적 관점에서 살펴본 것이다. 족청/족청계의 사상적 기원은 대체로 1930년대에 있다. 중국에서 독립운동을 하던 이범석은 1930년대 말에 蔣介石이 개설한 중앙훈련단에서 훈련을 받으면서 蔣介石식의 파시즘 사상을 익히게 되었으며, 족청계의 대표적 이데올로그인 안호상은 독일에서 인종주의적인 경향을 띤 철학자의 지도를 받으면서 칸트식의 규율의 중요성과 헤겔식의 민족의 절대적 규정성을 핵심으로 하는 사상을 형성했다. 또 하나의 대표적 이데올로그인 양우정은 사회주의운동을 하다 검거되어 1934년에 전향하게 되었는데, 그러면서 그가 공산주의에 대치시킨 것이 ‘가족’이었다. 이 가족주의는 일본 파시즘과 논리를 공유하면서도 민족주의와 연결될 수도 있는 것이었다. 이와 같이 족청계 핵심인사들의 사상은 파시즘과 관계를 가지면서 형성된 민족주의였다. 이들의 사상은 해방 이후에 본격적으로 그 모습을 드러내게 되는데, 그 중심이 1946년에 조직된 족청이었다. 족청은, 좌우합작을 추진해야 하는 상황 속에서 친미적인 청년을 양성하려는 미군정의 전면적인 후원을 받았는데, 그 의도와 달리 족청의 훈련방식은 중국의 중앙훈련단을 모방한 것이었으며 그 이념 역시 파시즘적인 경향이 강한 민족주의였다. 족청은 폭력적인 대공투쟁을 일삼던 기타 청년단들과 달리 훈련을 통한 조직 확장에 치중했으며 그 가운데 좌익(출신)들을 적극적으로 포섭하기도 했다. 족청은 분단정부 수립에 참여해 이범석이 국무총리 겸 국방부 장관으로, 안호상이 문교부 장관으로 임명되는 등 정부에서 요직을 차지했다. 이범석은 반공군대 건설을 위해 군인에 대한 정치교육을 실시하려고 했으며 안호상은 민주적 민족교육이라는 이름 아래 개인주의와 국제주의를 배격하고 인종주의적인 민족주의를 고취했다. 이런 정책은 미국 측의 경계를 사게 되어 족청 해산을 둘러싼 갈등과 맞물리면서 이범석은 국방부 장관을 그만두게 되었다. 자기 기반으로 삼고자 했던 군을 잃게 되고 족청이 해산당하면서 이범석이 새로이 활용하려고 한 것이 일민주의였다. 일민주의는 미군 철수가 결정되어 독자적인 반공체제 확립이 시급했던 1949년 봄에 좌익을 전향시키고 포섭하기 위해 체계화된 이념체계였으며, 그것을 주도한 인물이 양우정이었다. 그의 일민주의는 국내의 계급모순을 국제적인 민족모순으로 치환시키는 논리를 지닌 것이었다. 당시 일민주의가 보여준 ‘반제국주의적’ 성격은 족청과도 공통적인 것이었는데, 蔣介石을 모델로 삼던 이범석에게 삼민주의와 같은 역할을 할 수 있는 일민주의는 꼭 필요한 것이었다. 이에 이범석은 일민주의보급회를 장악해 전국적인 기반으로 삼으려 했으며 안호상은 일민주의를 재정립했다. 양우정도 이에 합세해 일민주의를 매개로 족청계가 형성되기 시작했다. 하지만 관직을 이용해 일민주의보급회를 확대하려 했던 이들의 시도는 이범석과 안호상이 1950년 봄에 해임되면서 좌절되고 만다. 족청계는 일단 권력에서 물러났지만 한국전쟁은 군인인 이범석에게 부활의 기회일 수 있었다. 그러나 미 대사관의 방해를 받자 이범석은 蔣介石과의 관계를 통해 부활의 기회를 노리고자 대만에 가게 되었다. 대만에서 이범석은 중국국민당의 개조를 통한 蔣介石체제의 공고화를 목도하게 되었는데, 1951년 8월에 귀국한 이범석이 당시 구상되기 시작한 신당의 모델로 활용한 것이 개조된 중국국민당이었다. 이와 같이 원외자유당 탄생에 핵심적인 역할을 한 이범석은 원외자유당 부당수가 되었다. 다시 이범석이 이승만을 이은 제2인자 자리를 확보한 것이다. 원외자유당을 통한 족청계의 활동은 국회에 대통령직선제 개헌을 강요한 부산정치파동에서 절정에 달했다. 족청계는 ‘민의 동원’ 등에서 그 힘을 과시했는데, 그 결과 이범석은 부산정치파동의 주동인물로 지목되었다. 미국 측의 공작과 이승만 지지세력 내부의 갈등이 맞물리면서 이범석은 또 다시 이승만의 경계대상이 되어 부통령선거에서 낙선하게 되었다. 수세로 밀린 족청계는 다시 공세를 펴 자유당을 거의 장악하게 되지만 이범석이 없는 사이에 이승만이 족청계 제거를 명령해 휴전체제 성립과 때를 같이해서 족청계는 권력 중추부에서 사라지게 되었다.