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        한국과 일본의 언어권(言語権)의 관점에서 본 다문화주의 -캐나다의 사례와 비교하여-

        형진의(邢鎭義) 한국일본문화학회 2020 日本文化學報 Vol.0 No.86

        Linguistic rights mean using and learning languages personally, publicly, and freely. And it means the right to exchange with them. Minority declared the right not to be discriminated based on languages in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. After this, problems for linguistic minorities were raised in the two declarations. They are legally non-binding, but they are meaningful in that the problems about languages were raised. And they formed the foundation of the Universal Declaration of linguistic rights. Canada implemented pioneering multicultural policies. It evaluated multiculture with social resources and implemented active policies and heritage language education. However, it currently suspended heritage language education because dissent of it was strong in it. It is difficult to keep minorities’ linguistic rights. Discussion on linguistic rights has not begun in Korea. Heritage language education has been implemented focusing on the Korean language. it has been a little bit done in the Japanese language. Korea has little interest in heritage language education of various languages. The Linguistic rights Society was established in Japan in 1998 and discussion on linguistic rights has been actively done. Heritage language education is done focusing on the Japanese language, but in some areas, heritage language education of Chinese, Spanish, Korean, etc. Heritage language education is good to be implemented in the public education system.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        『국체의 본의』에 관한 일고찰

        형진의(邢鎭義) 한국일본문화학회 2018 日本文化學報 Vol.0 No.76

        “kokutai no hongi” is a textbook of “kokutai” ideology, published by the Ministry of Education, Japan in 1937. It was published as a textbook of spiritual education for expanding imperialism. The publication aimed to clarify “kokutai” and cultivate national spirit in “people.” “Kokutai” means the thought Tenno of unbroken rules Japan. Japanese “kokutai” refers to fiction based on mythology. However, “kokutai” thought was clarified in “kokutai no hongi”. In the first year of its publication, 300,000 copies were published. A total of 2,000,000 copies were published until 1945 and distributed to Chosen, Taiwan, and occupied territories. The Board of Education instructed that national history, geography, Japanese, etc. should be taught at schools and that “kokutai no hongi” should be widely disseminated in instructions, lectures, and classes of all types of events. The book was prohibited by GHQ on December 15, 1945. However, after the 2000s, Japanese society has become conservative, and “kokutai no hongi” is being focused upon again and “kokutai” thought is raising. Therefore, “kokutai no hongi” needs to be critically considered.

      • KCI등재

        비만도 평가 지표를 이용한 심혈관 질환 평가의 진단적 정확도

        구암(Ku Am Hyung) 한국사회체육학회 2010 한국사회체육학회지 Vol.0 No.40

        The goal of this study was to investigate diagnostic accuracy of cadiovascular disease prediction using noninvasive methods such as WHR, % body fat, BMI for Korean middle-aged men and suggested a obesity-related cut off point. A total of 176 korean middle-aged men were recruited and separated into two groups; 102 men that had been diagnosed by doctors to have cardiovascular disease and 74 men who were healthy. Data of the men`s height, weight, % body fat, BMI, WHR, total cholesterol, blood sugar, and triglyceride. discriminant analysis and Receiver Operation Characteristic (ROC) curve analysis were measured. The significance level was set at .05. Five significant predictor variables were identified in six risk factors of cardiovascular disease: WHR, % body fat, blood sugar, BMI and triglyceride. The predictability was 25.7 % (R2=.257). Overall, 73.3% of the original grouped cases were correctly classified, and 71.6% of the cross-validated grouped cases were classified correctly. Three factors (WHR, % body fat, BMI) were identified as significant predictors in non-invasive collection variables. The predictability was 21.8 % (R2=.218). The original grouped cases were correctly classified, and 72.2% of the cross-validated grouped cases were classified correctly. The ROC curve analysis was used to determine the cut point of WHR, % body fat and BMI. It was found that a patient had high risk factors of cardiovascular disease when they exceed the cut point of WHR=.89, % body fat=20.2, and BMI=25.7. The results showed that examining three variables (WHR, % body fat, and BMI) could equally predict cardiovascular disease of korean middle-aged men, compared to examining all the risk factors. Obesity-related cut off points from ROC curve analysis might be used in diagnosing a cardiovascular disease.

      • KCI등재후보

        중국 어문 교육과정 내 읽기 텍스트 목록에 대한 분석

        재연 ( Hyeong Jae-yeon ) 한성대학교 한성어문학회 2018 漢城語文學 Vol.39 No.-

        This study examined reading lists in the language curriculum of Chinese primary and middle elementary schools and comprehensively analyzed reading text lists, in order to understand educational contents and methods that Chinese Korean learners have received in their homeland. Analysis lists of reading texts include lists suggested by the language curriculum standard of Chinese primary, middle elementary and high schools and reading texts in language textbooks. The number of works determined by each grade, materials of works and characteristics of texts were analyzed. An analysis on reading text lists of language curriculum shows that recitation is emphasized in each grade. Students should be able to recite the determined number of works for 12 years: they do not memorize a lot of poems at a time, but learn them by accumulating them, as they go up in grades. Second, the whole lists of reading texts consist of Chinese literary works. Third, reading is emphasized in language education, especially ‘reading’ is stressed, among language skills: speaking, reading, writing and hearing. Fourth, the common reading text lists are predetermined by each level, different from Korean language education. These lists are not recommendation but should be commonly included in all textbooks. It can be found that the education of them have been conducted enough for all students to recite them.

      • KCI등재

        국가보훈의 제도적 상징성에 관한 연구

        시영 ( Si Young Hyung ) 중앙대학교 국가정책연구소 2011 국가정책연구 Vol.25 No.2

        국가보훈은 공동체를 위한 특별한 공헌과 희생의 가치를 통해 국민의 나라사랑정신 함양과 국가의 지속적 발전을 위한 정신적 기반을 창출하는 고도의 상징적 국가기능이다. 따라서 본 연구는 독립, 호국, 민주 등 보훈 속에 담겨있는 이념적 가치를 통해 보훈정책의 상징기능을 제도적 차원에서 강화하는 방안을 모색하였다. 첫째, 보훈기념행사는 국민들의 나라사랑정신과 자긍심을 고취시킬 수 있는 상징 제전·의식으로 승화시켜야 한다. 둘째, 보훈선양시설은 보훈문화 전파의 중요한 창구로서 기억과 체험의 공간으로 상징성을 강화해야 한다. 셋째, 국가보훈의 기능과 역할은 나라사랑정신 함양을 통한 국민통합을 중심으로 국가보훈 상징기능을 확대·발전시키는 정책기반이 구축되어야 한다. The patriots and veterans affair is a high level systematic national function creating psychological foundation for cultivating the spirit of love toward the country by the people and the steady growth of nation through special contribution and value of sacrifice for the community. Accordingly, this study has search for plans to consolidate the symbolic functions of patriots and veterans affairs policy on systematic dimension through the ideological values contained in the patriots and veterans affairs such as independence, defending country and democracy, etc. First, the patriots and veterans memorial event must be sublimated into symbolic festival·ceremony that can inspire the spirit of love toward the country and sense of pride by the people. Second, the patriots and veterans enhancement facility must consolidate the symbolism as the space of memory and experience being an important window for spreading patriots and veterans affairs culture. Third, the functions and roles of patriots and veterans affairs must establish a basis of policy to expand·develop the symbolic functions of patriots and veterans affairs based on national unity by cultivating the spirit of love toward the country.

      • 열린우리당의 생성과 소멸에 관한 연구

        은화 ( Eun Hwa Hyoung ) 전남대학교 사회과학연구소 2013 현대사회과학연구 Vol.17 No.-

        이 글은 열린우리당의 사례를 통해 정당변화를 야기하는 주요 변수들을 검토하고, 그것이 한국정당정치사에 갖는 함의를 도출하는 것을 목적으로 한다.이를 위해 그간 열린우리당 연구에서 간과되었던 정당의 생성과 소멸의 전 과정을 재구성하고, 정당변화를 야기한 각각의 변수들이 당시의 상황과 어떻게 접목되어 파급력을 가졌는지에 대해 분석, 정리하였다.열린우리당은 3년 9개월의 짧은 기간 동안, 분당에 이은 창당, 과반의석을 확보한 집권당으로의 위상변화, 그리고 합당, 소멸에 이르는 급격한 변화과정을 겪었다.노무현의 등장과 이로 인해 파생된 새천년민주당내 핵심 지도부들 간의 갈등은 열린우리당 창당의 배경적 요인이 되었고, 대통령 탄핵이슈는 열린 우리당으로 하여금 과반의석을 획득한 원내 제1당으로서의 지위를 가능하게 했다.또한 열린우리당과 노무현 대통령이 추구하고자 했던 개혁정책의 실패, 당내 리더십 부재와 분열양상, 이로 인한 지지층의 급격한 이탈은 열린우리당 소멸의 궁극적인 변수로 작용하였다.열린우리당의 생성과 소멸에 이르는 일련의 과정은, 집권당과 대통령과의 관계가 어떻게 정립되어야 하는가에 대한 문제의식에서부터, 지속가능한 안정적 정당체제의 구축을 위한 제언에 이르기까지 다양한정치적 과제를 함축하고 있다.열린우리당의 경험은 정당이 나름의 이념적, 정책적 정체성을 확립하고 이를 꾸준히 정책에 반영하고 실천할 때 비로소 국민적 지지를 기대할 수 있다는 점, 그리고 그동안 반복되어 왔던 정당의 이합집산 현상이 정당정치의 제도화라는 규범적 목표뿐만 아니라, 현실 정치라는 정략적 입장에서도 바람직하지 않다는 점을 다시 한번 상기시킨다.아울러 열린우리당의 실패는 한국 정당정치의 발전 모델을 둘러싼 이분법적 학문적 논쟁 - 대중정당론 vs.원내정당론 - 에 대한 재고의 필요성을 제기한다. This article investigates variables that cause transformation in political parties by analyzing the case of the Uri Party, and attempts to extract the implications this case has for Korean political history.In order to accomplish this, the present research reconstructs the often overlooked process of the formation and collapse of the Uri Party, as well as conducts an analysis of the variables that caused transformation in the party and it`s political influence.The Uri party held power for only three years and nine months, but it was able to capture a majority in the National Assembly, resulting in an united government.However, its rise was followed by a rapid collapse.The creation of the Uri Party was the end result of a factional split in the leadership of the Millenium Democratic Party, between those who supported the party`s presidential candidate, Roh Moo-Hyun, and those who did not.The decisive factor that enabled the party to acquire a majority in the National Assembly was the issue of Roh`s presidential impeachment hearings.However, the failure of Roh Moo-Hyun and his party to carry out the policy reforms to which they had pledged, combined with the lack of a stable intra-party leadership, internal divisions, and the sudden weakening of the party`s support base, brought about the party`s abrupt collapse.The sequence of events that constitute the formation and collapse of the Uri Party has significant implications, both for the problem of establishing the proper relationship between the president and the ruling party, as well as for the task of constructing a stable and long-lasting party system.It reminds us that parties cannot form a unique ideological identity and continually formulate policy according to that identity until they have firm support from the general populace.Also it points to the fact that the pattern of rapidly formed and equally as rapidly dissolved parties that has plagued Korean politics for so long is detrimental, not just from the standpoint of the norms of an institutionalized party system, but also in terms of practical politics.Furthermore, the failure of the Uri party suggests some ways to improve the dichotomous debate - that between mass party theorists and parliamentary party theorists - that surrounds discussions of the development of the Korean party model.

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