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제2형 당뇨병 환자에서의 지속적 피하 인슐린 주입 치료시 관해
최의광,최수봉,박선민 건국대학교 의과학연구소 2001 건국의과학학술지 Vol.11 No.-
Background: It is well known that chronic hyperglycemia can deteriorate pancreatic beta cell function and insulin sensitivity in animal and human studies, and the normalization of blood glucose can reverse them. Our purpose of the study was to investigate the remission pattern after treating patients with continuous subcutaneous insulin infusion (CSII) therapy, and compare the clinical characteristics of remitted and non-remitted patients in a retrospective way. Methods: We selected 91 type 2 diabetic patients who had been admitted to KonKuk University hospital from January 1993 to August 1993. After hospitalization, all subjects were treated with insulin pump (Sooil, Seoul, Korea) for intensive blood glucose control until remission occurred. Remission is defined as long-term good glycemic control without any medication. After fifteen to seventeen months of CSII therapy, the induction of remission was examined. Serum c-peptide levels, hemoglobin A1c, and serum lipid profiles were measured after hospitalization and before discharge. Results: Overall 34.4% of all subjects had remission after 53.6±38.9 days of CSII therapy and remission lasted for average 13.6 ± 8.9 months during the study periods. Some clinical characteristics of the patients prior to CSII therapy influenced the remission occurrence. The remission was more frequently induced when patients started CSII therapy with insulin pump in younger age, higher body mass index, shorter diabetic duration, lower post-prandial blood glucose levels, higher post-pandial serum c-peptide levels, and less chronic diabetic complications. Conculsion: These findings suggest that long-term CSII therapy can induce remission in a significant proportion of mild type 2 diabetic patients. Thus, it is desirable that the intensive insulin treatment by CSII is considered as not the last treatment., but an initial management of mild type 2 diabetic patients.
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최의광 한국동북아학회 2016 한국동북아논총 Vol.21 No.2
There has been much research on 'gukin(國人)' that appeared on the political society in the ancient Silla of Korea, but we did not clearly reveal the concept of 'gukin' One of the reasons is, I think, That the research on this term in the meantime has been made without distinction of its concept and reality. In this papers I placed importance on confirming the basic concepts of 'gukin', not the substances of 'gukin'. First of all, I presumed the meaning of ‘guk’ and ascertained that 'gukin' was closely related to the meaning of 'guk' by reviewing each origin of words. That is to say that "guk" means guksseong or gukdo and 'gukin' means the main forces that have been at work in this area. But we cannot fully understand its true picture of 'gukin', only with the help of a spatial concept of guk. It is because we can also see gukin's acting figures outside the space of gukdo. So I emphasized 'gukin' as a gukdo- based forces and gave more power over a concept, in which the people are willing to participate in thire national history on the base of ojiam meeting, and I compensated its contents. I also confirmed that the conventional opinions, in which 'gukin' sometimes also could be called 'general peaple’ , was not reasonable on reviewing overall cases. It is as follows to redefine of concept on 'gukin' , with the items to be confirmed in historical materials. That is to say that 'gukin' means the top category class who took part in the affairs of state and recognized the people as a lower class relatively and 'gukin' also can be called the rulling hierarchy that embraced from the royalty to the ganchung of the local small countries. It is thought to be more appropriate expressions to take somewhat flexible expression for gukdo-based 'gukin' because if we overemphasize the meaning of only being within gukdo, its concept will not suitable for the historical materials. 한국 고대 신라 정치 사회에 등장하는 국인(國人)에 대해서 그동안 많은 연구가 있었으나 그 개념을 확연히 밝히지는 못하였다. 이 용어에 대한 그동안의 연구가 개념(槪念)과 실체(實體)의 구별 없이 진행되어 온데에도 그 원인이 있다고 본다. 본고에서는 때에 따라 다르게 나타나는 국인의 실체가 아니라 기본 개념을 확인하는 데에 역점을 두었다. 우선 어원(語原) 검토를 통해서 국(國)의 의미를 추정하고 국인이 이 국의 의미와 밀접한 관련을 갖고 있음을 확인하였다. 즉, 국은 국성(國城), 국도(國都)’를 가리키며 이곳에서 활동하는 세력이 국인(國人)이라 할 수 있다. 그러나 국(國) 이라고 하는 공간개념만 의지해서는 사료(史料)에 나타나는 국인의 모습을 충분히 소화할 수가 없다. 사료에는 국인들이 국도(國都) 이외의 공간에서 활동하는 모습도 보이기 때문이다. 따라서 국인은 ‘국도를 중심으로’ 활동하는 세력임을 강조하였고, 또 오지암(圬知巖) 회의를 근거로 ‘국사(國事)에 참여하는 사람들’이라는 개념을 더 부여하여 이를 보완하였다. 또 전반적인 용례 검토를 통하여, 때로는 국인들이 일반민(一般民)을 가리키기도 한다는 종래의 견해가 근거 없는 주장임을 지적하였다. 이 국인의 개념을 사료를 통하여 확인된 사항들을 중심으로 다시 정리하자면 다음과 같다. 즉, “국인은 국도(國都)를 중심으로 활동하면서 국사(國事)에 참여하며, 민(民)을 상대적으로 인식하는 상위 부류로서 위로는 왕족을 포함하며 아래로는 지방 소국의 간충(干層)까지 아우를 수 있는 범지배층”이라고 할 수 있다. 국도 안에 존재한다는 의미를 너무 강조하면 사료와 맞지 않으므로 국도를 중심으로 활동한다는 다소 유연한 표현이 보다 적합하다고 생각된다.
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{三國史記} {三國遺事}에 보이는 新羅의 ‘國人’記事 檢討
최의광 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2005 新羅文化 Vol.25 No.-
Many researchers have studied states-men of Sila so far, but they did not reveal the identitypartial fact of political activities. In this thesis, I broadly examined statesmen of Silla. I w e n t t h r o u g h v a r i o u s r o l e s o f s t a t e m e n w i t h i n v e s t i g a t i n g statesmen of Sila written in historical all vassal, populace than reveal character of statesmen. Especially, I minutely examined a pre-existing researchers' asertion that statesmen meaned all vasal, and I newly established the relation of statesmen and all vassal.Samguksagi( 三國史記 )and Samgukyusa( 三國遺事 ) 2 新羅文化 第 25輯concerning statesmen. I examined about statesmen records of Jiutangshu( 舊唐書 ), Xintangshu( 新唐書 ) as well. I m a k e a c l e a r o n e x a m i n i n g b a s e d o n t h e o r i g i n a l h i s t o r i c a l materials than depending on existing theories.
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고대(古代) 삼국(三國)의 왕위계승(王位繼承) -“형제상속(兄弟相續)에서 부자상속(父子相續)으로의 전환설(轉換說)” 검토(檢討)-
최의광 ( Choi Eui Kwang ) 역사교육학회 2017 역사교육논집 Vol.63 No.-
This is a study on the succession to the throne of the ancient Three Kingdoms. In the early days of The succession to the throne of siblings(형제상속), we have examined whether the claim that The succession to the throne from the father to the son (부자상속) was realized at a certain point is valid. These claims have been presented long ago and have so far come without major modifications. In secondary school textbooks, especially in ancient texts, this section has remained almost unchanged for many years. This part was questioned whether it was a valid view or, if invalid, why it was not corrected. As a result of the review, the previous view was found to be incorrect and it was confirmed that none of the three countries had adopted the principle of inheritance passing to brothers or sisters. The succession to the throne from the father to the son is also not seen at a particular point in time. The reason why these points were reflected unmodified in the textbooks seems to be the lack of academic research that criticized the existing viewpoint.
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신라(新羅) 하대(下大) 왕위계승(王位繼承) 분쟁(分爭)과 국인(國人)
최의광 ( Eui Kwang Choi ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2012 사총 Vol.75 No.-
This paper is about the cause, background, and characteristic of the conflict over succession co the chrone in che the latter Period of Silla Dynasty. King Heongdeok, King Huigang, King Minae, and King Sinmu`s ascending co the throne are all relevant to the topic, and this paper focuses on the process of King Huigang. To find out the background of the conflicts, the present writer confirmed examples in the succession to the throne in overall Silla Dynasty. As a result, it was found out that the Kukin(國人) bad somebody as a king whenever the king had a problem having a son to carry on the crown. Therefore, it was deducted chat the conflict over succession co the throne after King Heongdeok resulted from the face that the Kukin(國人) couldn`t have somebody as a king. Also, it wasn`t easy because the Kukin(國人) was absorbed by each faction of the royal family. Moreover, it was found out that the Kukin(國人) and the royalty had the relative relationship. Many researchers have argued that this conflict affected the fall of the Silla Dynasty. However, the present writer tried to regard it as a temporary phenomenon and the succession to the throne went on stably afterwards.
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최의광(Choi Eui-Kwang) 고려사학회 2011 한국사학보 Vol.- No.44
The aim of this research is to find out the background and characteristics of the succession to the throne by the King’s Last Will in the Latter Period of the Shilla(新羅) Dynasty, We could not see that the succession to the throne had been decided by Kukin(國人)’s the recommendation for a long time since the accession of King Wonseong(元聖王) in the beginning Latter Period and could see that the succession to the Throne have almost been lasted four times continuously by the king s last Will since King Heunan(憲安王). The succession to the throne had been decided by the king s will for a long time until King Shindeok(神德王) was crowned by the recommendation of Kukin(國人). It is widely accepted that Kukin’s power was stronger than King’s power until the beginning later period during the reign of king Wonseong(元聖王). Kukin’s power had been as strong as they had obstructed the abdication of King Seondeok(宣德王). The succession to the throne had been decided by the King’s Last Will during the king had not been crowned by the recommendation of Kukin(國人). It will be shown that the succession to the throne by the king s last will was possible on the following circumstances; First. the power of King Wonseong’s royal family was getting stronger during their reign. We can find out that it was possible because the family tree of the king was smaller. In other words, the collateral families’ power was getting weaker, and on the other had, the power of the king’s immediate family was getting stronger. We can also see that the king’s power was going to be strong as a result of the policy of strengthening the throne of King Wonseong s royal family. As a result. the time of King Heongang(憲康王) was very peaceful and comfortable. Second, It has been determined that Kukin’s power was weaker than the king’s power at that time. Especially, their power was much weaker in the period of the scramble for throne. (14) After King Heungdeok(興德王) had died, they disintegrated during the scramble for throne. In short, we can know that the succession to the throne by the King’s Last Will in the Latter Period was absolutely related to the king’s power. Actually, we can know that the king’s power was much stronger during the period of the succession to the throne by the king’s last will. On the other hand, Kukin’s power was much weaker. In fact. it is widely accepted that the succession to the throne through the king’s last will was more legitimate than any other way of the succeeding the throne in ancient time. We can find out it with studying the ways of the succession to the throne of the rulers of Goryeo(高麗) Dynasty and the ancient Chinese(中國) Dynasties.
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