後高句麗불교의 재검토

최연식(CHOE, Yeonshik) 보조사상연구원 2013 보조사상 Vol.40 No.-

지금까지 후고구려(태봉)의 불교에 대해서는 창건자 궁예의 미륵신앙만이 강조되어 왔지만 실제로는 국왕 弓裔의 존숭과 후원하에 선종이 발전하고 있었고, 신라 의상계의 사상을 계승하면서도 대승기신론과 밀교의 사상을 융합한 독자적인 화엄학 문헌이 찬술되기도 하였다. 무위사 선각대사비와 오룡사 법경대사비에는 궁예가 선승들을 중시하고 적극적으로 후원한 모습이 보이고 있다. 궁예는 912년 8월 직접 군대를 이끌고 전라도 남부지역을 공략하던 중 선각대사를 만나 그의 가르침을 받들게 되었고, 이후 그와 함께 철원으로 귀환하였다. 선각대사와 함께 함께 雲居道膺의 문하에서 수학하였던 법경대사도 같은 시기에 궁예를 따라 태봉의 수도로 이주하였다. 전라도 원정에서 이 지역에 성행하고 있던 선종을 접한 궁예는 이에 대하여 적극적으로 수용하는 태도를 취한 것으로 보인다. 고려 태조 왕건의 종교정책의 특징이라고 생각된 선종 승려에 대한 적극적인 포섭 정책도 실제로는 전임자인 궁예의 정책을 계승한 것일 가능성이 높다고 생각된다. 중국 房山에 있는 金나라 때의 大藏石經에 들어있는 『健拏標訶一乘修行者秘密義記』는 중국 화엄종 조사인 法藏의 저술임을 내세우고 있지만, 실제로는 10세기 前半에 후고구려 지역에서 찬술된 화엄학문헌이다. 이 책은 사용되고 있는 이론과 용어들로 볼 때 화엄교학 그 중에서도 의상계 화엄학의 영향을 강하게 받고 있으며, 특히 책의 마지막 부분에 있는 7언 96구로 구성된 <法界圖印>은 의상의 <法界圖>를 모델로 하고 있다. 이 책에는 화엄사상 외에 모든 존재의 본질적 동일성을 강조하는 大乘起信論의 영향이 분명하게 나타나고 있다. 또한 密敎的요소와 《周易》이나 五行사상에서 비롯된 것으로 보이는 신비적, 주술적 요소들도 나타나고 있다. 이러한 모습은 신라 중심지역과는 구별되는 후고구려 지역의 화엄학 모습으로 이해된다. 후고구려에서 당시의 주요한 불교 사상인 화엄학과 선종이 발전하고 있는 것으로 볼 때 종래 토착적, 신비적 신앙으로 생각되었던 궁예의 미륵신앙 역시 당시 불교계의 주요한 흐름이었던 진표계 미륵신앙을 수용한 것일 가능성이 적지 않다. 이 경우 후고구려에는 신라 하대의 주요한 불교사상인 의상계 화엄학과 진표계 미륵신앙, 선종 등이 모두 수용되어 발전되었다고 생각할 수 있다. 고려 건국 직후 이들 세 가지 흐름은 고려 불교계의 주류적 흐름으로 확립되는데, 그 배경에는 이미 후고구려(태봉) 시대부터의 발전이 있었다고 볼 수 있을 것이다. Up to now only the Maitreya belief of Gungye, the founder of the kingdom, has been emphasized about the Buddhism of Later Goguryeo(=Taebong). But the Seon(Zen) Buddhism also prospered with the support of Gungye who had close relations with several eminent Seon(Zen) masters. There was written an interesting book which synthesized the Hwa'eom(Huayan) philosophy and esoteric Buddhism. In the steles of Seon'gak Master Hyeongmi and Beopgyeong Master Gyeongyu the devotion of Gungye to the Seon Masters was well found. On his expedition to South-western area of Korean peninsula in August 912 Gungye had the chance to contact the Seon Buddism by meeting Hyeongmi and Gyeongyu who had been practising the Seon Buddhism in the area. He soon understood the importance of the teaching and paid respects to them. He even asked them to accompany him to Cheolwon, the capital of Later Goguryeo. His esttem and supports to the masters continued in the capital just before his downfall. The supporting and gaining the favours of Seon masters policy, one of the peculiar policies of Wang Geon, the founder of Goryeo dynasty, might have modelled after Gungye's. The Secret Teaching of Gandhavyuha One Vehicle Practicer preserved among the stone tripitaka in Fangshan China is a rare Buddhist work written in Later Goguryeo. Though it holds the author being Fazang, the famous Chinese Huayan patriarch, the place names shown in the book are found in the territory of Later Goguryeo. The theories and terms of the work are greatly influenced by Korean Hwa'eom philosophy, especially that of Uisang's. Even the diagramed poem of Seal of Dharma attached to the book modelled after the Seal of Uisang. In this book we can also find the influence of the Dasheng qishin lun, esoteric Buddhism and the East Asian mysticism such as the I-ching and the Five Elements. The contents of the book might have reflected the Hwa'eom philosophy of the Later Goguryeo. The main trends of the late Shilla and early Goryeo Buddhism consisted of newly imported Seon Buddhism, the traditional Hwa'eom following the Uisang's philosophy and Maitreya belief emphasized by Jinpyo and his disciples. Among them we can find the Seon Buddhism and Hwa'eom prospered in Later Goguryeo. So we can also infer that the Maitreya belief of Gungye, which have been regarded as the distorted belief influenced by mystical indigenous religion, might have followed that of Jinpyo. Then, the Buddhism of Later Goguryeo can be re-appraised as the mediator between late Shilla and Goryeo Buddhism.

민애왕의 가계와 추복과정에 대한 검토

최연식(CHOE, Yeonshik) 동국대학교 박물관 2021 佛敎美術 Vol.32 No.-

Kim Chunggong, the father of King Minae, has been regarded as a son of Royal Prince Hyechung, the eldest son of King Wonseong and a younger brother of King Heondeok and King Heungdeok. But the record in the Samguk-sagi which tells that Kim Chunggong is the younger brother of King Heondeok was just the copy of a Chinese record, which was a confuesed extract of original source. The fact that Kim Chunggong married a sister of King Heondeok also shows that he can not be a son of Royal Prince Hyechung. There s no case of marriage between the real siblings, Considering his dose relation with King Heondeok and King Heungdeok, his political activities as the major chancellor, and the marriage network of his children, Kim Chunggong must have been a son of Royal Prince Heonpyeong, the second son of King Wonseong. As the grandson of two Royal Princes, King Minae took very important position in the royal family of Silla dynasty, the descendants of King Wonseong. King Minae and his sisters married most important member of the royal family, each of them was grandson or grand grandson of King Wonseong. King Minae married a daguther of Yeonggong, the brother of his father, and his sisters married Gyunjeong, a cousin of his father, and Cheryung, a second cousin of them. And anther sister Jeonggyo, who were recorded as married to a Royal Prince of King Heondeok, mush have been the second wife of King Heondeok as he had no son to succeed him. On the death of King Heungdeok, King Minae fought for the throne against his brothers in law, Gyunjeong and Cheryung. King Minae defeated his rivals and won the throne, but he confronted a bitter death by Woojing[King Sinmu], the son of Gyunjeong, just after one year. The memorial Buddhist services for King Minae was hold at the Donghwa temple after his death. Just after his death, a worship building was built for pray his bliss in the temple, which was found as the family temple on the death of his parents. After 24 years of his death, King Gyeongmun built a stone pagoda in front of the worship building for King Minae1 the brother of his grandmother. As the grandson of Cheryung and grandson in law of Gyunjeong, King Gyeongmun pursuited the harmonization among the royal family. The stone pagoda was a symbol of the policy. According to the inscription on the Sarita reliquary found in the stone, the main person of the project was Virtuous Monk Simji, the son of King Heondeok. His mother must have beenJeonggyo1 a sister of King Minae, and brought up in his mother s after the death of King Heondeok. The death of King Minae might have driven him to become a monk and live at the Donghwa temple.

원효의 『대승기신론별기』 성립에 대한 새로운 이해

최연식(Choe, Yeonshik) 불교학연구회 2017 불교학연구 Vol.52 No.-

원효의「대승기신론」주석서 중 하나인 별기는 「소」와 마찬가지로「대승기신론」 전체에 대한 주석서의 형식을 취하면서도 , 본문 전체에 대해 고르게 설명하고 있는「소」와 달리 본문 중의 적지 않은 부분에 대해서는 아무런 설명을 제시하지 않는 반면 일부 특정 부분에 대해서는 지나치게 긴 분량의 설명을 제시하는 특이한 서술 모습을 보여주고 있다 . 또한 「별기」는 구체적 서술에 있어서도 전후맥락에 맞지 않는 자연스럽지 못한 모습들이 보이고 있다 . 이는 원래의 문장에 후대에 새로운 내용이 맥락에 맞지 않게 추가로 삽입되면서 전후맥락의 연결이 단절된 것으로 보인다. 한편 법장 (法藏) 의 「의기」에서 ‘ 별기 ’ 에 설명을 미루고 있는 내용이 실제 「별기」에서 확인되고 있는데, 중국 주석가들의 ‘ 별기 ’ 용어 사용 상황으로 볼 때 이 별기는 본래 법장의 다른 저술을 가리키는 것이었던 것으로 생각된다. 그럼에도 별기에 관련된 내용이 보이는 것은 해당 내용이 의기의 내용을 염두에 두면서 후대에 추가된 것일 가능성이 있다. 의기를 비롯한 법장의 저술에 빈번하게 사용되고 있는 수연 (隨緣) 이라는 용어가 원효의 저술에서 자주 사용되지 않고 그 의미도 법장의 저술과 다른데 비하여 별기에서만 해당 용어가 자주 사용되고 있고, 그 의미도 법장의 저술과 상통하는 점도 별기가 의기의 영향을 받았음을 보여주는 것으로 생각된다. 이러한 사실들로 볼 때 현재 전하는 별기는 원효가 「소」에 앞서 찬술한 「 (대승기신론) 기」 가 아니라 , 그 「기」를 모태로 하되 거기에 법장의 의기 의 내용에 부응하는 내용들이 추가된 새롭게 편집된 문헌일 가능성이 있다 . 그리고 이러한 새로 편집된 별기의 출현은 7 세기말 이후 신라에서 법장의 의기가 원효의 「소」 못지않은 영향력을 발휘하게 된 상황을 반영하는 것으로 보인다. 법장의 의기는 본래 원효의 「소」를 크게 참고한 것이지만 별기에 이르러서는 원효의 책에 법장의 영향이 새롭게 들어온 것으로서 흥미로운 사상적 전개라고 할 수 있을 것이다. Wonhyo’s Daeseung Gisinron Byeolgi (Special Exposition on the Awakening of Mahayana Faith) is unique in its style compared to other commentaries. It gives no explanations on not a little parts, while discussing in detail on special issues in some paragraphs. His another commentary to the same text, the Daeseung Gisinron So (Commentary on the Awakening of Mahayana Faith) explains all the parts of the text. The Byeolgi also has some strange explanations where some paragraphs don’t match the others. This disaccord might have been occurred by later interpolation of the paragraphs. The Byeolgi has close relations with Fazang’s Dasheng Qixinlun Yiji (The Commentary on the Awakening of Mahayana Faith). As the explanations on special topics which Yiji (The Commentary on the Awakening of Mahayana Faith) passes the full explanations to the ‘different book ( 別記 )’ are found in the Byeolgi, it has been thought that the ‘different book ( 別記 )’ in the Yiji refers to the Byeolgi and the former was influenced by the latter. But as the ‘different book ( 別記 )’ in most of the Chinese Buddhist works refers to a different work of the same author, the ‘different book ( 別記 )’ in the Yiji should also be regarded as one of Fazang’s work. As such, the Yiji cannot be said to be influenced by the Byeolgi. Rather, to the contrary, the possibility of the latter’s being influenced by the former is high. The frequent use of the term of ‘thusness’s arising according to the circumstances’ in the Byeolgi also raises the possibility of its being influenced by the Yiji. While Fazang uses the term of ‘thusness’s arising according to the circumstances’ very often in his works, it appears rarely in Wonhyo’s. The meaning of the term is also different between them. Only the Byeolgi uses the term often and in accordance with Fazang’s meaning. Regarding these things, the Byeolgi in present form cannot be Wonhyo’s first exposition on the Awakening of Mahayana Faith earlier than the So, but a new compilations which has not a little additional explanations influenced by the Yiji.

고려말 간화선 전통의 확립과정에 대한 검토

최연식(CHOE, Yeonshik) 보조사상연구원 2012 보조사상 Vol.37 No.-

Most of the studies on Ganhwa Seon tradition during the Goryeo dynasty have been focused on the process of the development of the Ganhwa tradition itself, without paying specific attention to the political or sociological background of such a development. In order to understand more objectively the establishment of the Ganhwa tradition as the dominant mainstream in the late Goryeo dynasty Buddhism, however, not only the process of its own development but also the political and sociological background of its ascension to the mainstream must be investigated concretely. This article purports to investigate concretely the process of the establishment of the Ganhwa tradition in the late 14th century and its relation with the contemporary political movement in order to examine the process of the development of the Ganhwa tradition in the late Goryeo dynasty not only from within the Goryeo Buddhism but also from its relation with the contemporary society in general. Hwaeom monk Seolsan Cheonhee(雪山千熙, 1307-1382)’s entry into Yuan for the cultivation and reception of the Ganhwa tradition, the symbolic example of the establishment of the Ganhwa tradition as the mainstream of Goryeo Buddhism was closely related with the political intention of contemporary rulers. The time of his entry to Yuan coincides with the rise of Shin Don(辛旽, ?-1371) as his main supporter with the favor of the king in the political arena. After his return, his official commendation by the Royal House and his appointment as the National Master were also processed as rapidly as had been planned earlier. In the appointment of Seolsan Cheonhee as the National Master, the necessity of the preparatory entry to Yuan and obtaining sanction from a Ganhwa master shows that the contemporary Goryeo Buddhism required such measures for the recognition of a monk as an eminent monk. During the reign of King Gongmin, there appears a new rise to the most high posts and dominance, in the Goryeo Buddhism, of the monks who have studied at Yuan and obtained sanction from the Ganhwa Masters there. King Gongmin, unprecedentedly, attempted to lead the Buddhist circle by promoting not the proper successors of the established main traditions or of distinguished familial backgrounds but new and fresh figures without such backgrounds. In such a period, there grew special attention to the Ganhwa masters who returned from studying at Yuan, including Taego Bowoo, Na’ong Hyegeun and Baeg’un Gyeonghan. In the background of the support by the King Gongmin, Ganhwa tradition came to establish itself as the peerless and proper tradition of Goryeo Buddhism. The Ganhwa masters, who had been free from the existing tradition of Goryeo Buddhism, were active in promoting the Ganhwa tradition while aloof from the existing methods of cultivation. In this atmosphere the investigation of (the Hwadu word of) Mu[無, nothingness] (and the investigation of Hwadu by chanting the name of Amita Buddha) which had been enhanced especially by Taego Bowoo and Na’ong Hyegeun came to be established as the basic cultivation methods of Goryeo Buddhism. And this kind of Ganhwa tradition came to be confirmed more concretely by the activities of Hwan’am Honsu(幻庵混修, 1320-1392), the colleague and disciple Na’ong Hyegeun, and Mog’am Chan’yeong(木庵粲英, 1328-1390), the faithful successor of Taego Bowoo. Taego Bowoo and Na’ong Hyegeun came to be recognized widely as the most eminent monks of the late Goryeo Buddhism, which made numerous monks claim as the successors of their teachings. During the forty-odd years of reign by King Gongmin and his son King Wu, the Ganhwa tradition came to establish itself firmly as the proper and authoritative mainstream of Goryeo Buddhism. 지금까지의 간화선에 대한 연구들은 대부분 간화선 자체의 발전 과정에만 초점을 맞추었고, 간화선이 발전하게 된 정치. 사회적 배경에 대해서는 크게 주목하지 않았다. 하지만 고려말에 간화선이 불교계의 주류적 흐름으로 확립되는 것을 보다 객관적으로 이해하기 위해서는 간화선 자체의 전개과정만이 아니라 간화선을 주류적 흐름으로 부상시켰던 정치, 사회적 배경에 대해서도 구체적으로 검토할 필요가 있다. 이 글에서는 14세기 후반의 간화선 전통의 확립 과정과 정치적동향의 관련성을 구체적으로 살펴봄으로써 고려후기 간화선의 전개과정을 불교계 내부만이 아니라 일반 사회와의 관련성 속에서 검토하고자 하였다. 14세기 후반에 간화선이 불교계의 주도적 흐름으로 정착되었음을 상징적으로 보여주는 사례인 화엄학승 雪山千熙(1307-1382)의 入元유학 및 간화선 전법 배경에는 설산천희의 구도심 못지 않게 정치적 의도가 중요하게 작용하고 있었다. 그의 입원 유학 시점이 그의 주요한 후원자였던 辛旽(?-1371)이 국왕의 총애를 받고 정계에 등장하는 때와 일치하고, 그의 귀국 이후 왕실의 표창과 국사 책봉이 매우 신속하게 이뤄지고 있기 때문이다. 설산천희를 國師로 책봉하기 위하여 미리 입원 유학과 간화선사로부터의 전법을 기획하여야 했다는 것은 당시 고려 불교계에서 입원 유학과 간화선사로부터의 전법이 고승으로 인정받기 위해 필요한 조건이었음을 보여주는 것이다. 입원유학하여 중국 간화선사의 인가를 받아온 승려들이 최고위 승직에 올라 불교계를 주도하는 것은 공민왕대에 나타난 새로운 모습이었다. 기존에 커다란 영향력을 가지고 있던 권문세족 출신들을 배제하고 새로운 인물들을 발탁하여 그들을 중심으로 사회를 운영하려한 공민왕은 이전과 달리 주요 산문의 적통 계승자나 명문 가문 출신이 아닌 새로운 인재들을 등용하여 불교계를 주도하려 하였고, 이때 주목된 것이 입원 유학하여 전법해 온 太古普愚(1301-1382), 懶翁惠勤(1320-1376), 白雲景閑(1298-1374)과 같은 간화선사들이었다. 원나라에 유학하여 강남지방의 선사들로부터 印可를 받고 傳法해온 간화선사들을 중용하는 공민왕대의 정책을 통하여 간화선은 고려불교계의 유일무이한 정통적 흐름으로 자리잡아 갔다. 기존 산문의 배경을 갖는 승려들이 간화선과 함께 전통적인 선수행을 병용했던 것과 달리 기존 산문의 전통에서 자유로웠던 입원유학 간화선사들은 간화선의 우월성 선양에 적극적이었다. 이러한 분위기 속에서 특히 태고보우와 나옹혜근이 강조한 무자화두 참구가 이 시기 간화선 수행의 정통적 흐름으로 확립되었다. 그리고 그들에 의하여 확립된 고려 불교계의 간화선 전통은 그들의 가르침을 계승한 幻庵混修(1320-1392)와 木庵粲英(1328-1390) 등의 활동을 통해 더욱 확고하게 자리잡아 갔다. 고려말 불교계의 최고 고승은 태고보우와 나옹혜근 (및 백운경한)으로 널리 공인되었고, 수많은 승려들이 그들의 가르침의 계승자로 자처하였다. 우왕대에도 공민왕의 불교 정책은 충실히 계승되었고, 공민왕과 우왕이 통치한 40여 년의 기간은 고려 불교계에서 간화선이 주류적, 정통적 흐름으로 자리잡아간 시기였다.

고려시대 원관(院館) 사찰의 출현과 변천과정

최연식 ( Yeonshik Choe ) 이화사학연구소 2016 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.52

It is well known that there were many temples which had the hostel and accommodated the travelers in Goryeo period. But it has not been fully understood why and when such temples appeared, what position and functions they took in the Buddhist society. Nor it has not been answered what kind of people had interests in founding and managing them, how they were managed. This paper surveyed the development and the decline of the "Hostel Temples" in Goryeo period. Hoste temples appeared first during the reign of King Hyeonjong(r.1009-1031) and proliferated to all around the country until beginning of the 13th century. Most of them were located at the places where the main roads which connect the capital and southern provinces cross. The Honggyeong-sa built in 1021 was the first Hostel temple found in the records. Some of the temples built following the proposal of Choe Sawi(961-1041), the prime minister during Hyeonjong`s reign, were also regarded as Hostel temples. The appearance of the he Hostel temples was closely related with the limits of the postal station system at the time. Public hostels managed by th government could only afford to accommodate the officials and public envoys. For the accommodation of other private travellers such as monks and merchants, it must have been the most convenient way for the King and the prime minister to utilize Buddhist properties and manpower. Most of the Hostel temples were built and managed by individual monks and officials. To participate in the building and management of the Hostel temples was to practice the Buddhist benevolence. It also presented the chances to increase their social and economic influences in the society to the monks and the officials. The Hostel temples could be succeeded by their disciples or descendants as their Petition temples. Hostel temples began to decline since 1230 when the overland transportation shrunk according to the invasion of Mongols. In the latter half of 14th century when King Gongmin and his successors tried to restore the overland transportation, many Hostels were made along the main roads. But the new Hostels were much different from the earlier Hostel temples. They were no more Buddhist temples. They were semi public facilities managed under the government provision and supervision, even though some of them were built after the earlier Hostel temples and operated by private people including monks or ex-monks. The government pursued to manage the postal station system by itself without the dependence on Buddhist properties and manpower.

憎達山 法泉寺의 역사적 성격에 대한 검토

최연식(Choe Yeonshik) 역사문화학회 2007 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.10 No.1

종래 그 창건시기 및 사찰의 성격이 불명확하였던 憎達山 法泉寺는 『동국여지승람』의 기록을 다른 관련 자료들과 대비하여 검토한 결과 14세기 수선사 계통 승려에 의해 창건된 사찰로 추정된다. 『동국여지승람』에 창건자로 언급된 圓明이라는 승려는 고려 수선사 계통의 승려로서 중국 강남지방에서 새로운 선사상을 수학하고 돌아온 圓明國師 ?鑑이나 了菴圓明 長老와 관련된 것으로 보이며, 법천사는 이들 자신 혹은 이들의 제자에 의하여 창건되었던 것이다. 한편 법천사는 단순한 수선사 계통의 사찰일 뿐 아니라 14세기 이후 한국불교계에 큰 영향을 미친 간화선의 초기 수용사찰로서도 특별한 의미를 갖는다. 원명국사나 원명장로는 당시 중국 강남지방에서 看話禪 수행자로서 명성을 떨치던 蒙山德異의 가르침을 계승하고 이를 고려불교계에 소개하였는데, 이후 얼마 지나지 않아서 몽산덕이의 수행법은 고려 불교계 전체의 대표적인 수행법으로 자리잡게 되었다. 이러한 사상적 변화를 주도했던 인물인 원명국사나 원명장로 혹은 그들의 제자에 의해 창건된 법천사는 그와 같은 사상적 변화를 주도한 사찰로서 특별한 의미를 갖는다. It has been uncertain when and by whom the Beopcheon Temple of Mt. Seungdal was founded. Only it has been told that during the Koryo dynasty a Chinese monk named Wonmyeong came to the mountain from Limcheon area with his disciples and founded the temple. Through the investigation of the materials we came to find out two monks who can be the possible candidate for the founder of the temple. Both are named Wonmyeong, but contrary to the legend neither of them is a Chinese monk. Both monks are from Korea and studied the teaching of the Kanhua-chan, the new Chan teaching of the day, in Southern China in the end of the 14th century. Both monks followed the teaching of Chinsee Chan master Mengshan Deyi who had been the champion of the Kanhua-chan at the time. The first Wonmyeong is the National Preceptor Wonmyeong who came back to Korea in 1304 with the disciple of Mengshan Deyi and circulated the Kanhua-chan to Korea. the other is Senior Priest Wonmyeong who studied under Mengshan Deyi and introduced him and his teaching to King Chungryeol and other Koryo aristocrats, who took the teaching and became the desciples of Mengshan Deyi in 1296. Both Wonmyeongs had colse relations with the Buddhist association of Suseonsa, found by the famous reformist Jinul and first introducer of the Kanhua-chan in Koryo Buddhism. It might have been the relation with the Suseonsa that made them go to China and study the Kanhua-chan. Both monks efforts did a great role in the Kanhua-chan's becoming the main stream of Korean Buddhism in the 14th century. Considering these, we can infer that the Beopcheon temple might have been founded by the founder Wonmyeong just after his returning to Korea as the important base for the circulation of Kanhua-chan.