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조승래 청주대학교 인문과학연구소 2012 人文科學論集 Vol.44 No.-
The purpose of this paper is to criticize the liberal hegemony and to search for the alternative by reviewing Philip Pettit's discourse of republicanism. Liberal conception of freedom as non-interference, according to Pettit, can not afford an effective prescription for democratization of capitalist economy because of it's hostility against state interference to redistribute resources. On the contrary, republican conception of freedom as non-domination is to be recommended as an powerful alternative because of it's being a communitarian ideal. Pettit's republicanism aims at reducing the capacity of the strong to dominate society arbitrarily, which necessarily requires state to interfere through the legitimate rule of law. He emphasizes that this kind of interference tracking people's interests is not to reduce freedom. Thus, Pettit's discourse of republicanism is to be estimated as both a powerful intellectual weapon to resist the liberal hegemony and an effective prescriptive strategy to overcome the social polarization.
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趙承來 청주대학교 새마을연구소 1986 새마을硏究論文集 Vol.3 No.-
The purpose of this paper is to examine traditional movements for development in Korea. Chapter Ⅰ examines these movements in the ancient Korea, so called "Three Kingdom Period". Chapter Ⅱ examines these movements in Koryo Dynasty and Chosun Dynasty. Technological development movements in agriculture and reclamation movements of waste land are amongst them. Chapter Ⅲ examines "Silhak Undong", which aimed at reconstructing a welfare state and proposed its own pragmatic program for development. Conclusion shows that "Saemaul Undong" in our generation could be intensified by virtue of these traditional movements for development.
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趙承萊 청주대학교 교육문제연구소 1988 교육과학연구 Vol.2 No.1
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the Continentalism of Charles A. Beard in the historical context. Chapter Ⅰ investigates the relationship between revisionism of nineteen-twenties and continentalism. Chapter Ⅱ investigates the moral and historical basis of continentalism. Charles A. Beard's view of American history as a thoroughgoing separated one from that of Euroge is of great importance this aspects. Chapter Ⅲ investigates the influence of Great Panic an continentalism and his view of national interest.
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조승래 淸州大學校 國際文化硏究院 2008 國際文化硏究 Vol.26 No.-
The purpose of this paper is to criticize Friedrich Hayek's theory of liberty. His negative definition of liberty is what Isaiah Berlin named as negative liberty. He regards liberty as the absence of coercion of others. Liberty, he emphasizes, has nothing to do with such positive conceptions as political participation and self-realization to achieve something. Liberty is enjoyed only if individuals has their own private spheres. According to this view, liberty is possible regardless to political and social conditions. Even the meanest poors and slaves are free as long as they are not coerced by others. He asserts that any designs and intentions to interfere with individual's private action are bad even if they are tried in order to achieve good purposes such as realizing political democracy, national liberation and social justice. He bases this view of negative liberty on his theory of spontaneous order which believes in something like Adam Smith's 'invisible hand'. This theory was an ideology supporting capitalist liberalism in the era of cold war and serves of late as an intellectual background of neo-liberalism which devalues any kinds of design to interfere with competitive market system. Conclusion is that in order to overcome the pathological phenomena resulting from neo-liberalism defining liberty as a negative concept is not sufficient. Liberty should be pursued positively as civic participation to establish the circumstances which can guarantee individuals to live as equals of fellow citizens who are not able to be positioned and entitled to coerce others. Key words: Hayek, Berlin, negative liberty, spontaneous theory, neo-liberalism
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조승래 청주대학교 인문과학연구소 2016 人文科學論集 Vol.52 No.-
This paper insists that republicanism can play a significant friendly role for environmentalism/ecology to struggle against capitalistic liberalism to overcome present environmental/ecological crisis. It means that republicanism is basically green enough to be a green ideology in that republican pursuit for common good and public interest through virtuous participatory citizenship can help to resist against liberal privatization of environmental/ecological issues and optimism of individualistic consumerism. In this context chapter II and IV reveal that liberalism is not able to deserve as a green ideology because of it's inability to depart from the ideology of limitless economic growth which incurs present environmental/ecological crisis. Chapter III and V investigate how and where republicanism meets environmentalism/ecology, and why republicanism is green, by showing that republican antipathy against capitalistic modernity is to be provided as ideological legitimacy to environmentalism/ecology. This paper concludes that green republican state should be welcomed to be emancipated from subjection to powerful capital through which environmental/ecological crisis is to be ended.
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