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      • KCI등재

        감잎(Diospyos kaki L.)으로부터 정제한 보체계 활성화 다당류

        정영주,전혁,김경임,안정희,신동훈,홍범식,조홍연,양한철,Jung, Yung-Joo,Chun, Hyug,Kim, Kyung-Im,An, Jeung-Hee,Shin, Dong-Hoon,Hong, Bum-Shik,Cho, Hong-Yon,Yang, Han-Chul 한국식품과학회 2002 한국식품과학회지 Vol.34 No.5

        감잎으로부터 항보체 활성물질을 분리정제하기 위해 감잎 (250 g)을 $100^{\circ}C$에서 3시간 동안 열수 추출하고 분자량 10 kDa membrane을 사용하여 농축한 후 ethanol 침전과 methanol 추출을 통해 조다당류(DKC)를 얻었다. 조다당류의 정제는 DEAE-Toyopearl 650C와 Bio-gel P60을 사용하여 실시하였다. 정제된 DKC-1c는 $1000\;{\mu}g/mL$의 농도에서 고전경로를 통해서는 85.4% 활성화시켰고 부경로에서는 65.1% 활성화시켰다. 정제 다당류 DKC-1c는 분자량은 66.6 kDa이고 정제도가 높은 중성다당류로써 주요 구성당은 glucose(29.0 mol.%), arabinose(24.3 mol.%), galactose(16.2 mol.%) 순으로 검출되었다. 면역전기영동을 통하여 확인한 결과 DKC-1c는 C3를 부경로에서도 C3a와 C3b로 활성화시키는 complement activator임이 확인되었다. Cold and hot water fractions of Diospyros kaki were screened to determine its anti-complementary activity. Flour of Diospyros kaki leaf (250 g) was boiled at $100^{\circ}C$ for 3 h and passed through a membrane of 10 kDa molecular weight (DK-0). DK-0 was precipitated with ethanol and refluxed with methanol to obtain the crude polysaccharide (DKC). DKC-1 was isolated by ion exchange chromatography on DEAE-Toyopearl 650C, and DKC-1c was purified from DKC-1 by size exclusion chromatography on Bio gel P-60. The anti-complementary activities of DKC-1c at $1000\;{\mu}g/mL$ were 85.4 and 61.1% via whole and alternative pathways, respectively. DKC-1c was determined as a neutral polysaccharide composed of glucose (29.0 mol.%), arabinose (24.3 mol.%), and galactose (16.2 mol.%) with the molecular weight of 66.6 kDa. Results of agarose gel immunoelectrophoresis revealed DKC-1c, as a complement activator, cleaved C3 into C3a and C3b via both pathways.

      • KCI등재

        초·중·고 교육분야의 인공지능(AI) 관련 해외 연구동향 분석

        정영주,김혜진,Jung, Young-Joo,Kim, Hea-Jin 한국도서관정보학회 2021 한국도서관정보학회지 Vol.52 No.3

        본 연구는 초·중·고 교육분야 인공지능과 관련된 해외 연구동향을 분석하기 위해 SCOPUS 데이터베이스를 대상으로 관련 문헌을 수집하였다. 수집된 문헌의 발행 기간은 1974년부터 2021년 3월까지이며, 학술지 논문이 154건, 컨퍼런스 논문은 571건으로 나타났다. 이들 논문에 포함된 저자 키워드 및 인덱스 키워드 4,521개의 단어들의 동시출현(co-occurrences) 분석기법을 바탕으로 연구 동향을 분석하였다. 분석결과 machine learning을 주축으로 big data, data mining, data science, deep learning이 최신 연구 동향으로 나타났고, 초·중·고등교육 간에는 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 초등은 로봇 관련 연구가 많이 있었으며, 중등은 게임과 데이터 관련 연구가 많이 있었고, 고등은 다양하고 심도 있는 연구가 이루어졌음을 알 수 있었다. 마지막으로 결과분석에서 우리나라 교육부에서 2020년 9월 발표된 '인공지능 기초' 교육과정과 미국 AK4K12의 '5 Big Ideas'와 초·중·고 공통 상위 50단어와 매핑하여 우리나라 초·중·고 인공지능 교육에 시사점을 제시하였다. This study aimed to analyze AI research trends related to elementary, middle, and high school education. To this end, the related literature was collected from the SCOPUS database and the publication period of the collected literature was from 1974 to March 2021, with 154 journal papers and 571 conference papers. Research trends were analyzed based on the co-occurrences analysis technique of 4,521 words of author keyword and index keyword included in these papers. As a result of the analysis, big data, data mining, data science and deep learning were found as the latest research trends with machine learning and there was a difference between elementary, middle and high school education. It can be seen that elementary school had a lot of robot-related research, middle school had a lot of game and data-related research, and high school had various and in-depth research. In discussion, we mapped the top 50 words common to elementary, middle, and high schools with the 'Artificial Intelligence Basics' curriculum of Korean Government and '5 Big Ideas' of the United States Government so that AI research can be viewed at a glance.

      • KCI등재

        토픽모델링을 활용한 학교도서관 연구동향 분석

        정영주,김혜진,Jung, Young-Joo,Kim, Hea-Jin 한국도서관정보학회 2020 한국도서관정보학회지 Vol.51 No.3

        본 연구는 학교도서관의 연구동향을 살펴보기 위해 토픽모델링을 적용하였다. 분석 대상은 4대 문헌정보학회지 한국도서관·정보학회지, 한국문헌정보학회지, 한국비블리아학회지, 정보관리학회지의 1990년부터 2020년 7월까지 학교도서관 관련 논문 498편이다. 연구 결과 토픽모델링을 통한 주제는 27개의 토픽으로 8개의 영역 일반, 제도·체제, 건물·설비, 운영·경영, 자료조직, 서비스, 교육, 기타로 묶어 정리하였고, 하위단계 주제는 22개로 나누었다. 텍스트 정제와 토픽모델링 분석은 넷마이너(NetMiner) V.4를 사용하여 수행하였고 토픽모델링을 위한 토픽 개수의 결정을 위해 로그우드 추정치를 사용하였다. 연구 결과 27개 토픽의 주제에 제목을 부여하였고 제일 많은 연구가 이루어진 토픽은 도서관 활용수업(T27)이 35편, 정보활용(T2)에 관한 연구가 30편이고, 20편 이상의 연구는 평가지표개발(T13), 학교 사서교사 배치(T24), 학습정보 매체 활용(T3), 지역사회·공공도서관(T7), 도서관 협력(T9), 도서관 이용(T17), 도서관 연구(T11), 독서교육(T4), 장서개발(T5), 교육효과·교육방법(T18)이 있었다. This study aimed to analyze the research trends of school libraries from 1990 to July 2020. To this end, LDA topic modeling analysis was conducted to the domestic article abstracts related to school libraries. The total number of documents is 498 papers published by the four major domestic journals in Library and Information Science. The log-likelihood estimate criterion was used to determine the number of topics for topic modeling. As a result of the study, 27 topics were discovered, then, theory were categorized by eight subject areas: general, institutional system, building/equipment, operation/management, data organization, service, education, and others. The most popular research was library utilization classes (T27) and Information Utilization (T2). More than 20 studies were found in each evaluation index development (T13), school librarian placement (T24), learning information media utilization (T3), community public library (T7), library cooperation (T9), library use (T17), library research (T11), reading education (T4), collection development (T5), and education effects/teaching methods (T18).

      • KCI등재

        공영방송 제도의 위기와 재정립

        정영주(Young-Ju Jung),홍종윤(Jong-Yoon Hong) 서울대학교 언론정보연구소 2018 언론정보연구 Vol.55 No.1

        이 연구는 지난 10년간 공영방송 MBC를 둘러싸고 전개되었던 일련의 사태들을 신제도주의적 관점에서 분석했다. 이를 통해 정권 교체 시마다 반복되는 방송의 독립성, 공정성 논란과 수장 교체의 딜레마로부터 벗어나 보다 본질적 차원에서 새로운 공영방송 제도 구축을 위한 방향성을 모색하였다. MBC 사태에서 방송문화진흥회-방송통신위원회-국회-청와대로 이어지는 공영방송 규제기구들의 작동 방식은 우리사회 공영방송의 정치병행성이 제도적으로 고착화된 단계에 이르렀으며, 비공식적 후견주의가 법제도적으로 보장받을 수 있는 환경임을 보여주었다. 제도화된 정치병행성에 기반을 둔 외부 규제기구의 기능 부전은 내부적으로 인사권을 통한 역진 인센티브 현상을 일상화하며 공영방송 제도의 규범과 문화를 변화시켰다. 공영방송의 공정성 규범은 내부 구성원들의 분열, 명문화된 단체협약의 무력화, 경영진의 방송내용과 편성 개입 등 다층적이고 다양한 요인들에 의해 쇠퇴하였다. 규제적, 규범적 차원의 변화는 구성원들의 문화 및 신념 체계에도 변동을 야기하여 공영방송 종사자로서의 의식과 정체성에 혼란이 발생했고, 전문직주의를 약화시켰다. MBC 사례는 공영방송 제도의 구조적 제약 및 결함이 규제적, 규범적, 문화적 차원들과 상호작용하면서 공영방송 제도의 퇴행과 역진에 상승효과를 일으킨 것으로 볼 수 있다. 따라서 단순히 사장 교체만으로 문제를 해결할 수 없으며 다양한 제도적 층위의 문제점들을 인식하고 보완하는 것이 필요하다. 공영방송 지배구조에 대한 법제도적 개선과 함께 시민 참여 제도를 통한 보완, 공영방송 규범의 법적 보장과 강제성 확보, 시민과의 연계를 강화하는 새로운 전문직 문화의 재창조 등이 요구된다. This study analyzed a series of events that have been developed around MBC for the last 10 years from a new institutionalsim perspective. Through this, we have sought to establish a new public broadcasting system in a more fundamental way, deviating from the dilemma of repeated broadcasting independence, fairness controversy, and replacement of the president every time the regime changes. In MBC case, the way of operation of regulatory bodies of public broadcasting, has reached the stage where the political parellelism of Korean public broadcasting has become institutionalized and the environment where informal clientelism is legally institutionalized. The dysfunction of the external regulatory organization based on institutionalized political parellelism has made the incentive of backward through personnel management internally and changed the norms and culture of the public broadcasting system. The fairness norm of public broadcasting has declined due to multi-layered and diverse factors such as division of internal members, nullification of collective agreement, executive intervention in broadcasting contents. Changes in the regulatory and normative dimensions have also caused changes in the culture and belief systems of members, causing confusion in consciousness and identity as public broadcasters and weakening professionalism. The MBC case shows that the structural constraints and deficiencies of the public broadcasting system interacted with the regulatory, normative, and cultural-cognitive dimensions, and caused a synergy effect with the regression and reverse of the public broadcasting system. Therefore, it is not possible to solve the problem simply by replacing the president, and it is necessary to recognize and supplement the problems of various institutional levels. In addition to improving the legislative system of the governance structure of the public broadcasting, it is necessary to supplement with the citizen participation system, secure the legal guarantee and enforcement of the public broadcasting norm, and recreate a new professional culture strengthening the connection with the citizen.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        연구논문 : 보이지 않는 국경 만들기? -존 메이저(John Major) 정권의 난민법-

        정영주 ( Young Joo Jung ) 영국사학회 2013 영국연구 Vol.30 No.-

        본고는 1990년대 난민법이 제정되는 과정을 세밀하게 분석하여 메이저 정권이 망명 신청에 대한 통제 시스템을 구축하고자 정치 담론을 형성하는 모습을 담아내었다. 1990년대에 발간된 신문 및 잡지 기사 내용을 영국 의회기록서와 관련 정부기구 및 난민단체의 보고서 내용과 비교하여 영국 사회 내부의 다양한 목소리를 드러내고자 하였다. 메이저 정권은 난민법을 제정하기 위해 ‘지나치게 많은 수’, ‘가짜 망명 신청자’, ‘더 나은 인종관계’라는 담론을 적극 활용하였다. 메이저 정권이 ‘적절한 수’의 난민만을 허용하는 정책을 추진하는 가운데, 망명 신청자들은 모국에서 박해받고 은신처를 찾아온 난민이 아니라 특정 피부색과 문화를 가진 사람으로, 그리고 영국 내 인종주의와 인종 관계를 악화시키는 원인제공자로 그려졌다. 신청자의 대부분은 경제적 기회를 찾아 온 새로운 형태의 이주민으로 간주되었다. 이렇듯 메이저 정권이 망명 신청자들을 인종과 ‘가짜’라는 색안경을 끼고 바라보는 가운데, 난민 지위를 부여받는 신청자 수가 급감했음에도 불구하고, 망명 신청자와 난민들은 끊임없이 영국 주류사회를 불편하게 만들었다. 난민들에게는 메이저 정권의 난민법이 넘기 힘든 또 다른 국경이었다. This paper aims at analyzing the official discourse of the Major Regime on asylum seekers and refugees and undertaking a comparative research on the interactions among the main actors in British politics and several interest groups of the society in the legislative processes of refugee bills. The trajectories of enactment with particular references to the Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act 1993 and Asylum and Immigration Act 1996 are explored through cross-examining newspaper and magazine articles, Hansard, various reports from the governmental organizations and refugee councils. The author finds out that the official statements of Home Secretaries consistently placed emphasis on three issues: ‘number’ ‘bogus asylum’ ‘for better racial relations’. These three critical elements represent the perceptions of the Major regime on asylum, and illustrate the ways in which restriction system was established and used to control the entry of people seeking asylum in Britain. Britain was one of the States who first proposed an international convention on refugee matters. However, the will to provide protection for those persecuted by their own country and the political system seemed to have almost faded away in the 1990s. Interpreting the clauses of Geneva Convention of 1951 is entirely up to each signatory, and refugee is defined not to flee for economic reasons, but political. Thus, asylum seekers who failed to be officially recognized as refugee were regarded as ‘bogus’, that is, economic asylum. This gave an inaccurate account of asylum seekers and the increase in asylum requests as a new form of ‘immigration wave’. The boundaries between ‘economic’ migrants and ‘bogus’ asylum became blurred to the public perception. As a result, despite the fact that the number of asylum seekers who successfully secured the status of refugee dramatically decreased, their presence still made the mainstream British society uncomfortable. In addition to bogus claims, asylum seekers were also represented as having certain physical and cultural traits, such as the skin colour and religion, which would implicitly suggest not to meet the standards of the British society, thus to incite or exacerbate racial tension in some communities. The fear of the Major regime felt on the rapid increase in the number of people seeking asylum in Britain was genuine and in a sense justifiable. Yet there were many evidences that the regime misrepresented asylum seekers for the purpose of establishing restriction system. It is obvious that refugee acts were built on various biases of the regime, and became one invisible border to most of asylum seekers.

      • KCI등재

        확고한 도덕적 의무? 포스트 식민시대 동남아시아에서의 영국기업

        정영주 ( Young Joo Jung ) 대구사학회 2010 대구사학 Vol.101 No.-

        Immediately after the end of the World War II. British Firms in Southeast Asia were confronted by unprecedented challenges posed by war destruction, political and economic instability, and the presence of nationalist movements across the region, over which the British government hardly had any control. The British governments and firms with business interests in the region worked together to overcome post-war problems. However, despite the fact that there was a symbiosis of interest in the interactions between them, there were limitations as to how far that this could go and the firms were often left alone to deal with problems. In such circumstances, if the firms were determined to survive, they had to adapt to new situation. This paper aims at exploring firms` own strategy for survival, often in the absence of assistance from the central governments. The findings suggest that the British firms needed flexibility to continue their business, thus pursued the localization of management. They also diversified the range of business operations and widened the sphere of investment. Underlying these efforts was a belief that their contribution to the region`s economy would also help get them through the post-war difficulties. In spite of the efforts made by the Southeast Asian governments to diversify their economies away from concentration on the extractive industries, the significance of these industries in the Southeast Asian economies remained throughout 1950s and 1960s and even beyond, and so did the foreign influence in these economies. British firms had the relative advantage of being the traditional commercial power in the region, but nevertheless much depended on the goodwill of the newly independent countries.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        영국사에 대한 새 전망 : 연구논문 ; 정부의 차별정책과 말레이시아 인도인들의 대응

        정영주 ( Young Joo Jung ) 영국사학회 2005 영국연구 Vol.14 No.-

        This paper undertakes an analysis on the discriminatory policies of British colonial and Malaysian governments to the Malaysian Indians, and on the strategic reactions from the Malaysian Indians. British colonial government who established rubber industry in Malaysia much needed sufficient labour supply while the native Malays were not willing to work as wage-earners, thus migrated the South Indians to Malaysia. The British managers of rubber plantations who designed the whole process of diaspora, deliberately used the traditional divisions within the Indian society based on caste system as a way to stabilize the hierarchical order between the managerial class and the workers, as the British colonial government perpetuated the principle of British colonial rule, `divide and rule` in this multi-racial country. Under the carefully structured and calculated paternalism, the life of Indian labourers seemed to have certain level of stability, yet they were taught little not to exceed their permitted role as a rubber producer. That is to say, Indian plantation workers were a mere rubber producing instrument in a wider context of British led Malaysian exporting economy. British colonial government`s attitude towards the Malaysian Indians carried on after independence. The Alliance was in theory an alliance of three parties of three major races in Malaysia, but in reality the Malays dominated the political scene. The Indians, being the smallest of the majorities in Malayasia, heavily relied on the decision making power of the Malays even for the Indian matters. Thus, Indians` needs were often forgotten or neglected, especially due to the escalating rivalries between the politically dominating Malays and the economic majority, the Chinese. This paper also analyses the Indians` reactions to the systematic discrimination by the colonial and Malaysian governments. The Indians` ever evolving demands during the several decades` labour disputes were closely examined. As a result of this examination, the Indians, despite being known as subservient - which was one of the main reasons why they were brought to Malaysia in the first place - in fact organised and rebelled through labour disputes, and achieved to a great deal in terms of wage, working hours, pay holiday, and so on. Though these achievements were short-lived due to the force of the Malaysian Emergency. Another obstacle to the desire of the Indians to excel came from the most outright pro-Malay economic policy of the Malaysian government, the New Economic Policy. Even worse, communalism, the governing principle of the Malaysian government, meant in reality `do it yourself` in terms of finding finance, improving social structure, and above all of education in the Indian society. The evidences of the dynamics of the Indian society are everywhere, though the true expectantly positive result is yet to come.

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