산수 이종률의 민족운동과 민족혁명론

장동표 ( Jang Dong-pyo ) 부경역사연구소 2002 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.10

Jong-Ryule, Lee(1902~1989) was born at the time the Japan have set about a colonial invasion of Chosun in earnest. He was the one of revolutionists who took active parts in national revolution movement. In the heart of history of Korean revolution movement, he worked hard for national independence and national unification. Jong-Ryule, Lee devoted all his life to national revolution movement including the development of Kwangju student movement and the Singan-hoi movement under Japanese colonial rule, the many-sided activities for national independence-unification movement after 1945 Liberation, the participation of presidential election and unification movement in the 1950s, and important parts in the foundation of the Minjok ilbo and the establishment and activities of the Minjatong in the 1960s, etc. Concerning the joint communique of 15 June 2000 between the South and the North of Korea, it is absolutely necessary for us to know a life and theory of national revolution of Jong-Ryule, Lee, and more important to take notice of his many-sided activities. In his view theory of national revolution consists of the level of Human Revolution through the development of National Revolution based on the people's capitalism -democratism. He suggested that the line of national revolution be set up according to our historical reality, and its contents be sum up 3 Anti-movement based on Anti-Imperialism, Anti-Compradore Capital, Anti-Feudalism. The priority objective of national revolution is national unification by means of national independence and its philosophical episteme is based on active materialism developed the existing materialism in a new level.

17세기 밀양 재지사족 朴壽春의 향촌활동과 도통인식

장동표(Jang, Dong-Pyo) 부산경남사학회 2012 역사와 경계 Vol.83 No.-

본고는 17세기 밀양의 대표적인 재지사족 朴壽春(1572∼1652)의 가계와 사우연원, 향촌사회 활동의 전개와 의병운동 참여, 도통인식과 도학적 삶의 모습을 통하여 임진왜란 이후 구축된 향촌사회사의 한 단면을 보고자 한 것이다. 개별인물의 향촌활동에 대한 미시적 분석은 조선중기 향촌사회사를 보다 밀도 있게 그려내는 작업의 하나가 된다. 박수춘은 17세기 밀양지역의 유력한 재지사족 세력의 한 사람이었다. 그는 선대의 도학적 전통과 당대의 폭넓은 사승 관계를 바탕으로 많은 인물들과 교유하였으며, 밀양지역의 향론을 주도하였던 인물이다. 임진왜란과 병자호란 시기에 의병활동에 참여하였으며, 전쟁 이후 흐트러진 밀양의 향촌사회 질서를 복구하기 위해 향안 중수와 향약 실시에 참여하였고, 향내 대표적인 유력사족으로서 향회와 향교 운영 등에서도 주도적으로 참여하였다. 박수춘은 도통을 정립하기 위한 노력과 함께 처사적 태도의 도학적 삶을 지향하였고, 전혀 관직을 갖지 않으면서도 향촌사회 교화 활동을 적극적으로 전개한 17세기 재지사족의 전형을 잘 보여준다. 이 같은 연구는 조선중기 영남지역 향촌사회구조의 한 단면과 당시 향촌 지식인의 성격을 밝히는 데 일정한 의미를 지닐 것으로 생각한다. This paper is intended to show an aspect of the history of local society that had been formed after the Imjin War by examining a representative Jaeji-Sajok(在地士族) of the 17th century, Park Soo-choon(朴壽春, 1572-1652)’s pedigree and academic genealogy, his activities in local society, participation in the volunteer corps movement, and, lastly, his understanding of Dotong(道統) and Neo-Confucian way of life. One of historian’s works which portray the history of local society in the middle of Chosun in depth is to put a single individual’s activities in local society into microscopic analysis. Park Soo-choon was the person who belonged to the leading Jaeji-Sajok in the Miryang area. Keeping up his acquaintance with a number of people in the basis of the Neo-Confucian tradition inherited from the previous generations and a wide range of teacher-pupil relations at his time, he was a leading person who took the leadership in formation of local public opinion. He took part in the volunteer corps activities both in the Imjin War and the Byungja War. Moreover, after Imjin War, he not only got involved in remaking Hyangan(鄕案) and conducting Hyangyak(鄕約), in order to restore the local community of Miryang which was in disorder due to war, but also led the management of Hyanghoe(鄕會) and Hyanggyo(鄕校) as a influential Sajok in the local area. He lived, Furthermore, by Neo-Confucian way of life with an attitude of being a reclusive scholar, making an effort to establish Dotong, and, in this respect, it can be said that he was the archetype of the seventeenth century Jaeji-Sajok who set out to edify the local community without entering any public officals. It is considered, in short, that the significance of this study could not be overlooked in that it brings to light an aspect of the structure of local society and the characteristic of local intellectual of the mid-Chosun in the Yeongnam region.

예림서원의 건립 중수와 김종직 추숭 활동

장동표(Jang Dong-Pyo) 부산경남사학회 2007 역사와 경계 Vol.64 No.-

The movement for worship such as a movement for a political vindication and a Confucian shrine with the establishment of a legitimate genealogy of moral philosophy in the period of the Choseon Dynasty was important to a group of scholars out of office. They failed to take political authority but tried to secure a ideological orthodoxy. It was Jeompiljae Kim Jongjik(?畢齋 金宗直)(1431-1492) who occupied a important position in this movement. Scholars out of office regarded the movement for worship of Kim Jongjik(金宗直) as the most important matter in the establishment of ideological orthodoxy. The subject of the movement for worship was a power of scholars out of office. Their works included a political vindication, a discussion on Confucian shrine, and a grant of a posthumous epithet and official post, on national level, and a building and repairing of a memorial hall for Kim Jongjik, on local level. They mainly worked on provincial level after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and emphasized the significance of Kim Jongjik's thought and a original genealogy of moral philosophy. The building and repairing of Yerim Memorial Hall(禮林書院) began for worship of Kim Jongjik. But, the establishment of it also had a political significance to provincial noble family. They established a memorial hall to lay the their foundation, when their politic activities for moral philosophy and social activities for the spread of Hyangyak(鄕約) in the country failed by ‘a massacre of scholars in year of Gimyo’(己卯士禍) under the rule of King Jungjong(中宗).

조선후기 향촌 재지사족의 향현 추숭활동 연구

장동표(Jang, Dong-Pyo) 부산경남사학회 2018 역사와 경계 Vol.106 No.-

본 연구는 조선후기 재지사족의 향현 追崇 활동을 경상도 밀양출신 孫起陽(1559∼1617)에 대한 추숭 사례를 중심으로 고찰해 본 것이다. 손기양은 임진왜란 시기 의병활동, 鄕禮와 家禮의 실천, 道學의 정립을 위해 노력한 인물로써, 국가적 차원과 향당적 차원의 추숭 덕목을 모두 갖추고 있었다. 그에 대한 추숭활동은 비교적 늦게 시작되어 18세기 후반부터 19세기 중엽까지 전개되었다. 손기양에 대한 추숭 활동은 후손들에 의한 사적인 추모 활동, 여러 단위의 재지사족이 향사의 공식적 승인을 국가에 요청하는 呈狀 활동, 경상도 각 지역의 서원과 향교 및 사우에서 발행한 通文을 통한 향사 여론 조성 등 세 가지 방식으로 전개되었다. 정장과 통문에 서명한 재지사족은 연인원 모두 3천 명이 넘을 정도로 많았다. 정장에 대한 회답은 대부분 국가의 禁令 조치로 인해 향사 승인이 어렵다는 내용이 주를 이루었다. 손기양에 대한 추숭이 공식 승인된 것인지에 대한 명료한 자료는 없지만, 1844년(헌종10) 향중의 公論에 의한 享祀가 사실상 이루어진 것은 분명한 것 같다. 손기양 추숭은 후손들이 증수한 七灘亭에 편액을 걸어 七灘書院이라 하고, 서원 옆의 별사를 淸節祠라 하면서, 마침내 공론에 바탕한 추숭 활동의 결실이 맺어지게 된다. This study is cases of local worthies(鄕賢) worship of Jaeji-sajok(在地士族) compared mainly with worship for Son Gi-Yang(孫起陽). He is a man who resisted to Japanese invasion of Korea as the activities of righteous armies and also strove to establish local ceremonial code, family rituals and Neo-Confucianism. Therefore, he was qualified for worship in national and local society. The worship movement for him was quiet late and its implementation was under late 18th century and middle 19th century. The activities of worship for Son Gi-Yang were under three ways : private reverence by his descendant, Jeong-jang(呈狀) movement that Jaeji-sajok asked government for official approval of ritual and development of the public opinion for ritual with Tong-mun(通文) which is a document by Seowon(書院), Hyanggyo(鄕校) and Sawoo(祠宇). The huge number of Jaeji-sajok’s who signed Tong-mun and Jeong-jang were over 3 thousand. The answer from government was almost that approval of ritual would have not been easy because of prohibition. It is not clear yet if worship for Son Gi-Yang was approved because clear evidence or materials are not enough. In 1844(Heonjong; 憲宗 10) it is obvious that activties of ritual was actually implemented by public opinion of local society. The worship for Son Gi-Yang based on public opinion was finally successful after his descendants opened Chiltan-Seowon(七灘書院) hanging a framed picture on Chiltan-Jeong(七灘亭) pavilion and called a shrine Cheongjeol-Sa(淸節祠) next to Seowon.

조선후기 창녕지역의 향안 중수와 재지사족

장동표(Jang, Dong-Pyo) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2011 한국민족문화 Vol.40 No.-

본 논문은 조선후기 창녕지역의 향촌사회사 자료인 『창녕향안증주』의 작성 과정과 특성을 구체적으로 밝히면서, 창녕지역 재지사족의 동향을 살펴 본 것이다. 창녕향안은 개개 입록자의 부, 조부, 증조부 및 처부와 외조부 등의 성명과 직역 및 본관 등이 자세하게 기록되어 있고, 사승관계 및 문집 유무, 의병활동 등에 관한 기록도 있어 재시사족의 동향을 파악할 수 있게 한다. 창녕향안의 작성은 17세기 후반까지는 대체로 정상적이었다. 18세기 이후부터는 모두 기존의 향안을 중수하는 방식으로 작성되었는데, 입록된 향원은 거의 전부 17세기 인물들이었다. 창녕향안은 작성 과정이 대체로 불균형적이고 시기별 향원의 수도 일정하지 않았지만, 이 지역 재지사족의 사정이 전반적으로 반영되어 있었다. 조선후기 창녕의 재지사족 가문은 인근 지역과 마찬가지로 임진왜란 시기의 의병활동과 함께 학맥 및 혼인 관계 등에 의하여 새롭게 재편되고 있었다. 창녕의 학맥은 이황과 조식의 양쪽을 이은 정구의 학맥을 접하는 데서 시작되었다. This thesis is related to a process and specific about Changnyeong Hyangan Jeungjoo[昌寧鄕案增註] and the local Sajok[在地士族] in the late of Chosun dynasty, so I'd like to talk about it. A registrant about family such as father, grand father, great-grand father and father-in-law and grand father who is mother's father and occupation, family clan is recorded in Changnyeong Hyangan, and there is record about school ties, being of collection of library work, movement of loyal troops, therefore, we can get hold of a tendency about the local Sajok. It was generally right to write down Changnyeong Hyangan until the latter half of 17century. After 18th Century, It was usually repaired the Hyangan written in 17th century, that's why almost all members of Hyangan were the people in 17th century. Changnyeong Hyangan was almost out of balance and members of Hyangan aren't irregular, but it reflect the local Sajok in Changnyeong. In the late of Chosun dynasty, the local Sajok in local area nearby Changnyeong was reorganized by school ties, marriage, movement of loyal families. Origin of school tie in Changnyeong was that it contacted with school ties of Jeong Goo[鄭逑] succeeding Lee Hwang's[李滉] and Jo Shik's [曺植].

17세기 영남지역 재지사족의 동향과 향촌사회

장동표(Jang Dong-Pyo) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.68 No.-

This study aims to examine the movement and characteristics of local noble family in the 17th century Yeongnam region through the life of Yi Yi-Jeong(李而楨 ; 1619-1679), one of Miryang's Byeokjin Yi clan(碧珍李氏) that rose to a powerful local noble family after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In the 17th century, generally, the ruling system of local noble family became more conspicuous than before the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. Yi Yi-Jeong family appeared as a powerful one in the postwar restoration process. The people of Yi Yi-Jeong family exercised their influence by participating in the ruling structure of country society diversely. In this background Yi Yi-Jeong took part in Hyangyak(village code)'s enforcement as a main member of Hyanghoi's operation, and took the lead in moving Seoweon(private academy) and receiving Seoweon's name from the king. He was not a famous Confucianist philosopher but a typical character that lived a Confucianist life. Through life he maintained a position as a member of the ruling system of local noble family through the leading participation in the ruling structure such as Hyangan, Seoweon, Hyanggyo, Hyanghoi and Hyangak, living a typical life of local noble family taking no office. In short, his life is characteristic of local noble family in the 17th century Yeongnam region.

조선시기 在地士族과 명청대 紳士에 대한 비교 고찰

張東杓(Jang, Dong-Pyo) 효원사학회 2013 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.44

This paper gives a brief description of the characteristics of the local societies in Josean and Ming-Qing dynasties by comparing the birth and local activities of these ruling classes in each of two countries, called Jaeji-Sajok(在地士族), and the Chinese gentry, shenshi(紳士), respectively. Both were known by various terms, although generally they did not differ in the role which they took in society and the historical significance of them. They similarly started to hold privileged status through entering school system and passing official exams, and led their local societies as the ruling class. From the mid-sixteenth century, Joseon set out to establish ruling structure ruled by Sajok, of which Jaeji-Sajok was placed at the center. In China, during the Ming and Qing dynasties, the establishment of gentry system allowed the gentry class to exercise their influence over local community, and, with the help of that, the central authority could effectively rule the country. It is also noteworthy that, in any case, Jaeji-Sajok held less power over local community than the local governor did, and that the relationship between the Emperor and the Chinese gentry in terms of political power is not so different from the status in Joseon. For Instance, like the Chinese gentry, Son Giyang, who was a Jaeji-Sajok in the Yeongnam region, did service for Joseon and educational activity, volunteered the patriotic solider, devoted his energy to postwar recovery, and influenced the making of public opinion, as a member of ruling class.

조선시기와 명청대의 鄕約 시행과 그 성격 비교 연구

장동표(Jang, Dong-Pyo) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2016 한국민족문화 Vol.58 No.-

본 논문은 조선시기와 명청대에 실시된 향약의 변천과정과 성격을 앙국향약의 비교사적 관점에서 살펴본 것이다. 조선시기와 명청대의 향약 시행의 성격 변화의 방향은 크게 다르지 않은 모습을 보여 주었다. 중국에서 처음 시행된 향약은 동아시아 각국에 전파되면서 초기에 民間自治組織의 역할을 하다가 시기가 내려갈수록 官治補助的 성격의 것으로 변화한다. 조선에서 시행된 향약은 초기에 유학자들의 이상 실현을 위한 수단으로 도입되었으나, 17세기 후반 이후 점차 官府의 개입이 계속 강화되면서 관치적 성격의 향약으로 변화하였다. 중국의 경우 마찬가지로 明代에 향약 이론이 크게 발전하였지만, 점차 官府가 개입되어 가는 鄕約으로 변화하다가 淸代에 이르러 관부 주도형 향약으로 성격이 크게 달라진다. 양국의 향약은 민간에 의한 사회 통제에서 국가가 개입하는 사회통제로 발전한 점에서 동질적인 성격을 보여준다. 한편 중국의 경우 지역적 차원의 시행에서 전국적 차원의 시행으로 확대되어 갔지만, 조선에서는 초기 전국적 차원에서 시행되었다가 점차 지역의 개별 단위로 시행되었던 측면에서 약간의 차이가 있다. This thesis discuss about change process and characteristic of Hyang-yak (鄕約) by comparison between Chosun peoriod in Korean and Ming-Qing Dynasty in China. Direction of characteristic change of the Hyang-yak implementation didn’t show differences in Korea and China. Hyang-yak that began from China was propagated to East Asian countries; it actde as private autonomous organization early time, but its characterstic was changed to local governmemt assistance organization. Early time in Chosun dynasty, Hyang-yak was accepted by Confucians to make Utopia in Korea but, in the last half of 17th Century, government intervention became stronger and the regulation from china was changed to ancillary government organization. Similarly, theory of Hyang-yak in China was also improved in Ming dynasty but changed to characteristic of its government facility. In both of Korea and China, HyangYak showed same characteristic because this private regulation became government rule. Meanwhile, in china, Hyang-yak spread from local to whole country through history but, in case of Korea, it was opposite.

朝鮮과 明의 淫祀와 城隍祭儀 인식과 대응 비교연구

장동표(Jang, Dong-Pyo) 효원사학회 2021 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.60

본 논문은 조선과 명 양국의 淫祀와 城隍祭儀에 대한 인식과 대응을 비교사적 관점에서 간략하게 살펴본 것이다. 조선과 명 양국의 건국 초기에 단행된 祀典정비는 국가 통치 체제의 정비 과정에서 매우 중요한 과제였다. 명나라 태조는 洪武禮制반포로 사전을 정리하면서 음사 정책도 정비하였다. 음사의 이단적 요소 때문에 정부는 효율적 통치를 위해 원칙적으로 음사를 禁毁하였고, 이로써 명나라 일대를 관통하는 법률적 형식으로 제도화하였다. 음사는 민간에 대한 독특한 기능 때문에 각 지방에서 음사를 禁毁하는 조치가 모두 같지는 않았다. 이 점은 명과 조선이 대체로 비슷하였다. 조선의 사전체계 정비는 성종 대 國朝五禮儀반포로 일단락된다. 민간 음사에 대한 정책은 국가의 입장에서 금지를 기본 원칙으로 하였다. 조선에서 국가와 지방의 士族들은 모든 제사에 있어서 비 유교적인 것을 淫祀로 규정하였지만, 음사에 대한 제재는 국가와 향촌의 사족과는 입장이 조금씩 달랐다. 이는 명나라에서 皇權의 음사 인식이 儒臣들의 그것과 일정 부분 달랐던 측면과 일맥상통한다. 조선의 지방관에 의한 음사 철폐는 아주 일방적으로 이루어지지 않았다. 성황묘는 양국의 전근대 역사에서 지역 사회를 수호하고 주민 생활의 전반을 관장하는 神과 神像을 모셔두고, 제의를 거행하는 장소이다. 조선과 명나라 모두 성황제의가 正祀체계 안에 제도적으로 편입되었다. 중국의 성황묘는 지방사회를 통제하는 데 있어서 매우 중요한 역할을 하고 있었다. 성황묘에서 지내는 제사는 성황신앙의 가장 핵심적 표현 형식이었다. 조선의 성황신앙과 성황묘는 주지하듯이 고려이래 중국으로부터 전파된 것이다. 성황묘에서 지내는 제의는 國朝五禮儀의 정식 의례 가운데 中祀로 편입되었다. 그러나 현실에서 성황제의는 많은 지역에서 淫祠로 분류되어 갔으며, 정식으로 독자적인 제의가 되지 못하다가 그 위상이 점점 낮아졌다. 조선 후기에 이르러 유교 지식인들의 성황묘에 대한 인식은 다소 부정적이었고, 당시 사회의 풍속과 관련하여 禁毁하는 태도로 변화되어 갔다. This paper briefly examines the perceptions and responses of Eumsa (淫祀) and Seonghwang-rituals(城隍祭儀) of Chosun(朝鮮) and Ming(明) from a comparative history perspective. The maintenance of Sacrificial Rites(祀典) between Chosun and Ming was very important task in terms of state governance. As soon as the founding of the Ming, King Taejo(太祖) promulgated the Hongwu-Etiquette Orders(洪武禮制) and reorganized the Eumsa(淫祀) policy. Due to Eumsa(淫祀) which has heretical element, the government prohibit and destruct Eumsa(淫祀) for efficient governance in principle, and institutionalized it into the legal form that penetrated the Ming Dynasty. Because of its unique function to the ordinary people, the measures to prohibit and destruct Eumsa(淫祀) in each province were not identical. Regarding this, it can be seen that Ming and Chosun are generally similar. Maintenance of the Sacrificial Rites System(祀典體系) in Chosun ends with the promulgation of the Five Rituals of the State(國朝五禮儀) through period of King Seongjong(成宗). The policy of Eumsa(淫祀) to the ordinary people was based on the prohibition from the standpoint of the state. In Chosun, the state and provincial gentry defined those rituals as non-confucian things. However, the sanctions against Eumsa(淫祀) was slightly different between the central government and provincial gentry. It is in line with the aspect that the perception of the Eumsa by the imperial power in the Ming Dynasty was different from that of the Confucian offices. The abolition of Eumsa by Chosun"s local government was not carried out very unilaterally. Seonghwang-myo(城隍廟) is a place where rituals are held with the statues of gods and gods who protect the local community and give influence to all lives of residents in the pre-modern history of both countries. In both the Chosun Dynasty and the Ming Dynasty, they were systematically incorporated into the Regular-rituals(正祀) system. Seonghwang-myo in China work as very important role in controlling local society. The ritual held at Seonghwang-myo is the most important form of expression of Seonghwang(城隍) faith. As it is well known, Seonghwang faith and Seonghwang-myo in Chosun was spread from China since Koryo(高麗). The ritual held at Seonghwang-myo was incorporated into the Mid-level rituals(中祀) among the Five Rituals of the State. However, in reality, the Seonghwang-rituals was classified as one of shrine in many regions, and it was not officially an independent ritual, but its status gradually decreased. In the late Chosun Dynasty, perception of the Seonghwang-myo by Confucian intellectuals changed to prohibit and destruct in relation to the customs of society at that time.

조선중기 고성지역 재지사족의 형성과 발전

장동표 ( Jang Dong Pyo ) 부경역사연구소 2000 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.6

This study is about the formation and development of Jaeji-Sajok in Gos?ng in the middle of Chos?n. Jaeji-Sajok in Gos?ng had been formed since the first period of Chos?n. Sajoks at Gos?ng district especially grew with major justify that vigorous participation of militia's movement, and it developed as powerful Jaeji-Sajok class until the latter period of Chos?n. Gos?ng located in remote district of southern part of Gy?ngsangdo, and there rise and decline of county was frequent. Gos?ng district was a place of exile for many persons, also there was invaded frequently from Japan pirate. Mostly in Gos?ng, another district's Sajok became to enter more and more than Tos?ng influence. in case of Jaeji-Sajok who rusticated caused of implicating in political matter, who had school relations with Kim Jong-Jik who is Yeongnam-Sarim's representative scholar, and who had marital relation with powerful Jaeji-Sajok. Jaeji-Sajok growth in Gos?ng was inseparably related to participation of militia movement at that time of Imjin-Waeran (Japanese invasion of Korea, 1592). Gos?ng-Lee family had developed as noble family since Lee Jon-Bi held various post in central important position in latter period of Kory? and then the higher government position transmitted to their posterities. Gos?ng-Lee's some of the posterities had moved to Gos?ng caused by political problem in first period of Chos?n and then they had resided in Gos?ng generation, and they are distributed various parts in Korea. Their school relation and marital relation was connected to Jeng Mong-Ju family in latter period of Kory?. Gos?ng Lee family had kept Jaeji-Sajok's position, also in latter period of Kory?. Jenju-Choe family was not Tos?ng-Sajok in Gos?ng but Raes?ng- Sajok. The founder was Choe Dam, and their school relation was connected to Kim Jong-Jik. Jenju-Choe family was representative family that firmed their place as Jaeji-Sajok which led militia movement at that time of Imjin-Waeran. After war, militia leader Choe Gyun and Choe Gang brother's posterities had participated on their initiative and etc, they kept their district foundation steadily as Sajok. Haman-Lee was originally Haman's Tos?ng, but in Chos?n dynasty, preferably they prospered their power of family at Gos?ng district. Haman-Lee family also grew as Sajok in latter period of Korea dynasty. At first time they had resided in Haman for generation, and yet they entered to Gos?ng. They had participated on positive lines, and after 17C, they firmed their place as powerful Jaeji-Sajok in Gos?ng.