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        Radiation Therapy in Carcinoma of the Vulva A Review of Fifteen Patients

        이형식,오원용,서창옥,김귀언,박찬규,Lee H. S.,Oh W. Y.,Suh C. O.,Kim G. E.,Park C. K. The Korean Society for Radiation Oncology 1985 Radiation Oncology Journal Vol.3 No.1

        외음부에서 발생하는 악성종양은 부인과 영역의 악성종양 중에서는 드물게 발생하는 것으로 알려져 있으며 치료에 있어서도 수술 또는 방사선치료 단독의 경우보다는 수술 후 보조적으로 방사선 치료를 시행하는 것이 더 효과적이고 치료율도 높은 것으로 알려져 있다. 이에 1971년 1월부터 1985년 4월 사이에 연세대학교 의과대학 치료방사선과에서 외음부 악성 종양으로 진단되어 방사선 치료를 받았던 15예에 대하여 후향성 분석을 시행한 바 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었기에 보고하는 바이다. 1. 15예의 외음부 종양 환자 중 4예는 수술요법 시행 후 보조적요법의 방사선 치료를 받았으며, 1예는 수술전 방사선 치료를 받았고, 나머지 10예는 근치적 목적의 방사선 치료를 받았다. 2. 방사선치료만을 시행한 군과 방사선치료 및 수술요법을 병행한 군과의 국소제어율을 비교하여 본 결과, 전 15예의 국소제어율은 $53\%(8/15)$였으며, 단지 방사선 치료만을 시행한 군에서는 $40\%$(4/10), 방사선 치료 및 수술요법을 병행한 군에서는 $80\%(4/5)$의 국소제어율을 보였다. 3. 치료 실패율은(국소적 잔존+국소재발 또는 원격전이) 단지 방사선 치료만을 시행한 군에서는 $70\%(7/10)$, 수술 후 방사선 치료를 시행한 군에서는$40\%(2/5)$의 성적을 보였으며, 치료실패 호발부위는 원발병소(외음부)였다. This study analyzes fifteen patients who underwent a course of radiation therpy for their vulva cancer in the Department of Radiation Oncology, College of Medicine, Yonsei University from January, 1971 to April, 1985. Four patients had initial surgery for their vulva cancer and were subsequently treated by a course of adjuvant radiation therapy. Eleven patients were given radiation therapy as the initial course of therapy, and one of these was in adjuvant setting before radical surgery. Treatment in each instance was individuilzed and usually consisted of some components of external beam, brachytherapy, and/or electron beam therapy. Primary local control rate in all cases was $53\%(8/15),\;40\%(4/10)$ in the radiation therapy alone group and $80\%(4/5)$ in the radiation therapy combined with surgery group. Treatment failures were noted in 7/10 in the radiation therapy alone group and 2/5 in the radiation therapy combined with surgery group. The most common failure site was primary site failure(vulva).

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        ‘내파(內破)’하는 ‘대동아공영권’ -동남아시아 점령과 조선통치-

        이형식 고려대학교 역사연구소 2018 사총 Vol.93 No.-

        As the idea of 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ had not been established according to a detailed plan, but rather improvised in haste in order to keep up with the change in the world, the outbreak of the Second World War, its range was vague and unclear and its contents were flexible. The early idea of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, which led to a remarkable victory at the beginning of war since the ambush at Pearl Harbor, set securing of resources and maintenance of public order in the conquered territories as prior tasks and brought Japan's position as a leader to the forefront. However, as the war progressed to its disadvantage and it was expected since the autumn of 1943 for the allied powers to counterattack in a full scale, the correction of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ was tried in order to induce the conquered territories to spontaneously cooperate in the war. The idea about post-war local order was developed, which argued the foundation of an international organization called 'the Greater East Asia Alliance' centered around the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and 'the Greater East Asia Court of Arbitration', 'the Greater East Asia Constabulary Force', and 'the Greater East Asia Clearing Bank' as its affiliated organs, but it was not accepted in the real politics. Instead, while the imperialistic undertone of the early ‘Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ was beautified through slogans, such as ‘autonomous independence’ and ‘peaceful reciprocity’, the Greater East Asia Council was held to get agreement to ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, but on the contrary, the problem of selecting participating nations and others became an issue, and the internal contradictions of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ became intensified. On the other hand, Joseon, a leader nation('an inside nation') in 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ and substantially a colony(‘an outside nation’), amplified the internal contradictions of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ more. The more the slogans of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, for instance, ‘coexistence and co- prosperity’, ‘autonomous independence’, and ‘peaceful reciprocity', were emphasized, the bigger the conflicts in the imperial order got. Japan supported the modified ‘Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ to replace 'Atlantic Charter' while criticizing imperialism of the U.S.A. and Europe, yet, on the contrary, people of the conquered territories had no choice but worrying about becoming another Joseon or another Manchuria. On the other hand, ‘Tōjō Statement’, ‘the Greater East Asia Proclamation’, and ‘Koiso Statement’ rather stimulated Joseon people's national awareness and consciousness of independence, intensified cracks and conflicts in 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, and resulted in the ‘internal collapse(內破)’ of 'the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.’ Joseon argued breakaway and independence from ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ with 'coexistence and co-prosperity', 'autonomous independence' and 'peaceful reciprocity' proclaimed by ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ as weapons. The slogans of Japan returned as a boomerang. In this way, the reorganization of the local order by Japan, that is, ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’, brought about severe cracks in the imperial order of Japan, and only right before their defeat in the war, it was at last considered again to improve its political conditions as a temporary remedy to seal the rupture in the imperial order during the reorganization of international order, which was represented by 'Cairo Conference' and 'Teheran Conference'. ‘대동아공영권’ 구상은 면밀한 계획에 의해 수립된 것이 아니라 제2차 세계대전 발발이라는 세계정세의 변화에 맞추어 급조된 측면이 강했기 때문에 그 범위가 애매해고 불분명할 뿐 아니라 내용도 유동적이었다. 진주만 기습 이후 서전에서 눈부신 승리를 거뒀던 초기의 ‘대동아공영권’ 구상은 점령지의 자원확보와 치안유지를 우선과제로 설정하고 일본의 지도적 지위를 전면에 내세웠다. 하지만 이후 전황이 악화되고 1943년 가을부터 연합국의 본격적인 반격이 예상되자 점령지의 자발적인 전쟁협력을 이끌어내고자 ‘대동아공영권’의 수정이 시도된다. 외무성을 중심으로 ‘대동아동맹’이라는 국제기구를 설치하고 그 부속기관으로 ‘대동아중재재판소’, ‘대동아경찰군’, ‘대동아청산은행’을 설치할 것을 주장하는 전후 지역질서 구상이 전개되었지만, 현실정치에서는 받아들여지지 않았다. 대신에 초기 ‘대동아공영권’의 패권주의적 색채를 ‘자주독립’, ‘평화호혜’라는 슬로건을 통해 분식시키면서 ‘대동아공영권’에 대한 동의를 조달하려는 대동아회의가 개최되었지만 오히려 참가국 선정문제 등이 불거져 나오면서 ‘대동아공영권’의 내부모순을 증폭시켰다. 한편 ‘대동아공영권’ 내에서 지도국(‘내지’)이면서 실질적으로는 식민지(‘외지’)였던 조선은 ‘대동아공영권’의 내부 모순을 한층 증폭시켰다. ‘공존공영’, ‘자주독립’, ‘평화호혜’라고 하는 ‘대동아공영권’의 슬로건이 강조되면 될수록 제국질서의 파열음은 커져만 갔다. 일본이 구미제국주의를 비판하면서 ‘대서양헌장’을 대신할 수정된 ‘대동아공영권’을 내걸었지만, 점령지 민족들은 오히려 제2의 조선, 제2의 만주국이 되지 않을까 우려하지 않을 수 없었다. 반면에 ‘도조성명’, ‘대동아선언’, ‘고이소성명’은 오히려 조선인의 민족의식, 독립의식을 자극해 ‘대동아공영권’의 균열・갈등을 증폭시켜 ‘대동아공영권’을 ‘內破’시키는 결과를 초래했다. 조선은 ‘대동아공영권’이 내건 ‘공존공영’, ‘자주독립’, ‘평화호혜’를 무기로 ‘대동아공영권’으로부터의 이탈, 독립을 주장했다. 일본이 내건 구호가 부메랑으로 돌아왔던 것이다. 이처럼 ‘대동아공영권’이라는 일본의 지역질서 재편은 일본 제국질서의 심각한 균열을 초래했고, ‘카이로회담’, ‘테헤란회담’으로 대표되는 국제질서 재편 속에서 제국질서의 균열을 봉합하는 미봉책으로서 정치적 처우개선이 패전 직전에야 비로소 고려되었던 것이다.

      • KCI등재후보
      • KCI등재

        1980년대 할리우드 영화에 나타난 가족: <위험한 정사> 페미니즘 시각으로 다시 읽기

        이형식 문학과영상학회 2008 문학과영상 Vol.9 No.3

        The 1980s was a turning point in American history in that the rise of neoconservatism attempted to restore the terrain of the establishment which was lost to the challenges of civil rights movement, feminist movement, and counterculture movement in the previous decades. The so-called “backlash” trend was most conspicuous in the representation of women in mass media. The phenomenal success of Fatal Attraction and the heated response of the audience to the film reflect the suppressed anger of the conservatives who had been forced to relinquish their rights and status to women. Originally a moral tale about a man who commits adultery and pays the penalty, the screenplay had to be revised several times to cater to the taste of the producers who wanted to portray the single professional woman negatively. Consequently, the narrative structure and various cinematographic devices were tailored in order to delineate the Other woman who seduces the male character as a psychopath. In contrast, his wife is portrayed as an angel who devotes her time to such domestic duties as supporting her husband and taking care of their daughter. Therefore, this film turned out to be a morality play about a battle between the good woman and the bad woman. This paper aims to employ “reading against the grain” strategy, drawing on Laura Mulvey’s theory on visual pleasure in narrative cinema. Mulvey suggests that there are two avenues of escape to disavow the castration threat which female sexuality poses in the movies. One of them is voyeurism which provides audience with the pleasure of “ascertaining guilt, asserting control, and subjecting the guilty person through punishment or forgiveness.” In Hollywood movies, the male characters as bearer of the look usually become an active agent who forwards the story and make things happen. In this film, however, it is Alex who initiates the affair and propels the story forward with her powerful gaze and desire. Even though she is shot to death by Beth, her challenge against the patriarchy and law of the father is strong enough to disturb the equilibrium of the status quo. Therefore, the happy ending which shows the recovery of the family is a false one because the voice of independent women cannot be silenced even after Alex’s death. The 1980s was a turning point in American history in that the rise of neoconservatism attempted to restore the terrain of the establishment which was lost to the challenges of civil rights movement, feminist movement, and counterculture movement in the previous decades. The so-called “backlash” trend was most conspicuous in the representation of women in mass media. The phenomenal success of Fatal Attraction and the heated response of the audience to the film reflect the suppressed anger of the conservatives who had been forced to relinquish their rights and status to women. Originally a moral tale about a man who commits adultery and pays the penalty, the screenplay had to be revised several times to cater to the taste of the producers who wanted to portray the single professional woman negatively. Consequently, the narrative structure and various cinematographic devices were tailored in order to delineate the Other woman who seduces the male character as a psychopath. In contrast, his wife is portrayed as an angel who devotes her time to such domestic duties as supporting her husband and taking care of their daughter. Therefore, this film turned out to be a morality play about a battle between the good woman and the bad woman. This paper aims to employ “reading against the grain” strategy, drawing on Laura Mulvey’s theory on visual pleasure in narrative cinema. Mulvey suggests that there are two avenues of escape to disavow the castration threat which female sexuality poses in the movies. One of them is voyeurism which provides audience with the pleasure of “ascertaining guilt, asserting control, and subjecting the guilty person through punishment or forgiveness.” In Hollywood movies, the male characters as bearer of the look usually become an active agent who forwards the story and make things happen. In this film, however, it is Alex who initiates the affair and propels the story forward with her powerful gaze and desire. Even though she is shot to death by Beth, her challenge against the patriarchy and law of the father is strong enough to disturb the equilibrium of the status quo. Therefore, the happy ending which shows the recovery of the family is a false one because the voice of independent women cannot be silenced even after Alex’s death.

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