원간섭기 첨의부의 위상과 역할

이정훈(Lee, Joung?hoon) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.88

In this article, the role and status of the Cheom"eui?bu office during the Yuan intervention period is examined. The reigns of Kings Chung"ryeol?wang and Chungseon?wang are analyzed in particular, as the ruling structure of the late 13th and 14th centuries was formed in this period. When most of the senior offices were demoted in 1275, the first year of king Chung"ryeol?wang"s reign, the original Three Offices were merged and became Cheom"eui?bu. Compared to the Three Offices, only a smaller number of senior and junior officials were associated with Cheom"eui?bu, and its overall role was reduced as well. But its administrative functions were strengthened, and the office was still considered as the highest office of the dynasty("百官之長"). It also held the rank of Jeong?Fourth and later Jong?Second, a rank that was bestowed from Yuan. It was also the office which represented the Goryeo dynasty in its relationship with the Mongol Yuan empire, as it originated official communiques to be sent to Yuan, and received official orders from Yuan as well. Coming into the reign of King Chung"seon?wang, the administrative functions of Cheom"eui?bu were reinforced even more. In 1298, the year of his enthronement, Chung"seon?wang reduced the number of Jae"shin officials, and reinstated the Sang"seo Do"seong officials to increase the number of administrative personnel. When he was re?enthroned in 1308, he reduced the number of Jeong"seung ministers of the Cheom"eui?bu office to one, and newly created Jeon"mu?ryeong and Su"ryeong?gwan officials as field agents. By doing so, he designed Cheom"eui?bu to control both the capital and local regions while the king was staying in Yuan and was not able to oversee dynastic issues himself. It was a structure that meant the Cheom"eui Jeong"seung minister to serve as the acting King. The status and role of Cheom"eui?bu was significantly reinforced. As we can see, the Cheom"eui?bu office became an office governing both the center and local areas of the dynasty, during the reigns of kings Chung"ryeol?wang and Chung"seon?wang. It earned the status of the highest office in the dynasty. This particular facet of its existence was due to a unique situation of this period: the king"s absence from the country, as the kings chose to stay in Yuan for many purposes. Compared to the previous offices, Cheom"eui bu was an office that was equipped ? with far more powerful administrative capabilities, as its authority was exercised not only in the capital but also in local governmental offices. Also, it held an official rank of its own, which often served as clear indicator of the office"s status in terms of the entire hierarchy inside the Goryeo government.

요추 부분추궁판절제술 후 발생한 작열통 환자의 치험 1례

이정훈 ( Joung Hoon Lee ),소기숙 ( Ki Suk So ),최회강 ( Hoi Gang Choi ),염승룡 ( Seung Ryong Yeom ),송용선 ( Yung Sun Song ),권영달 ( Young Dal Kwon ) 한방재활의학과학회 2004 한방재활의학과학회지 Vol.14 No.3

Objectives: We experienced a case of causalgia after lumbar partial laminectomy. This patient had been diagnosed ruptured HIVD L4-5 and para lateral typed HIVD L5-S1. We consider that this causalgia caused by abnormal sympathetic reflex. Methods: We evaluate this patient by VAS, gait condition, atrophy, weakness and sensory change. Results: We observed following result: reduction of causalgia, improvement of weakness, atrophy gait condition and hyperesthesia. Conclusions: We experienced improvement of symptom to this patient with electro-acupuncture stimulation, physical therapy, bee venom therapy and herbal medication.

원간섭기 국정운영과 都評議使司

李貞薰(Lee Joung-Hoon) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.59

이 논문은 원간섭기 지배체제가 구축되는 충렬왕과 충선왕대를 중심으로 親朝·在元통치라는 새로운 정치 형태가 등장하는 과정에서 도평의사사의 역할을 살핀 것이다. 林衍 정권이 무너지고 왕정이 복고된 이후 원과의 관계 및 삼별초 난에 대한 처리문제 등으로 재추 회의가 도병마사에서 자주 개최되면서, 고려전기에 별도로 존재하였던 재추 회의와 도병마사는 하나의 기구, 즉 도병마사로 통합되었다. 원의 지배가 본격화되면서 국왕의 친조라는 새로운 정치 형태가 대두하였다. 국왕의 친조 및 부재 시 국왕을 대신해 국정 운영을 책임져 줄 수 있는 존재는 재상이었다. 그런데 충렬왕 즉위 이후, 원은 고려 재상에 대한 문제점을 여러 차례 제기하였다. 이에 충렬왕은 국정 운영을 주도하는 재상이 없다는 이유로, 비칙치를 별도로 설치하여 국왕 측근을 중심으로 하는 국정 운영을 시도하였다. 한편 원도 衣冠子弟들을 독로화로삼아, 직접 고려의 재상을 견제하는 조치를 취하였다. 이로 인해 국정 운영에서 재추들의 활동은 위축되면서 정사를 논의하는데 주도하는 재상이 없다는 상황을 더욱 증폭시켰다. 이에 충렬왕은 도병마사를 도평의사사로 개칭하면서 도평의사사를 국정 전반의 모든 문제를 전적으로 논의하는 상설기구로 변화시켰다. 또한 국왕의 요청에 의해서만 개최되었던 회의를 국왕의 요청이 없어도 재추가 판단하여 회의를 개최하도록 하는 등 재추들이 전폭적으로 협조하고 적극적으로 국정운영에 참여하도록 하였다. 한편 재원통치를 실시하였던 충선왕대에는 국정 운영 및 대원 외교에서 중요한 사안은 충선왕이 직접 傳旨를 보내 처리하였지만, 그 외의 사안은 도평의사사가 처리하였다. 그런데 재원통치가 성공적으로 진행되기 위해서는 많은 관료들의 도움과 협조가 절대적으로 필요하였던 관계로, 충선왕은 재추만이 아니라 3품 관료들에게 商議 및 權授 관직을 하사하여 거대한 재추 집단을 형성시켰다. 그 결과 도평의사사는 정책 결정만이 아니라 행정 운영까지도 총괄하는 등 국정 운영 전반에 걸쳐 세세한 부분까지 관할하게 되었으며, 여러 정치세력 간의 이해관계도 조율하는 역할을 담당하게 되었다. 그런데 도평의사사에 참석한 인원이 급격하게 증원되고 세세한 문제까지 논의됨에 따라, 회의 과정에서 재추들의 개인적 이해관계가 개입되거나 재추들끼리 대립하여 의견 조율이 쉽지 않았다. 이에 재원통치가 본격화되는 충선왕 2년을 기점으로, 충선왕은 국정 문제를 논의하는 기구의 명칭을 도평의사사에서 식목도감으로 바꾸었다. 또한 재추만 식목도감 회의에 참석하게 하였다. 그리고 식목도감의 업무를 ‘掌邦國重事’로 명시하여 식목도감이 국정 문제와는 거리가 멀거나 사소한 문제까지 관여하는 것을 제한하였다. 이후 식목도감은 충숙왕대에 도평의사사로 명칭이 환원되었다. 그런데 충선왕 이후 도평의사사는 어린 국왕이 즉위하거나 국왕이 원에 압송되어 장기간 체류하고 있을 때?국왕의 명령 없이도-국정 전반에 대한 문제를 논의하고 총괄하기까지 하였다. 이렇듯 원간섭기 도평의사사는 회의기구로서만이 아니라 정치적 상황에 따라 때로는 행정관청을 관할하거나 국왕을 대신하여 국정 전반을 총괄하기도 하였다.

고려 정치제도사의 고전적 이해와 한계

이정훈(Lee Joung-Hoon) 한국사연구회 2009 한국사연구 Vol.145 No.-

This dissertation investigates the contents of 《Studies in the Political System of Koryo Dynasty》 written by Pyon Tae-Sup, the historic value and the characteristics and limit of his study in the Political System of Koryo Dynasty. Negating the identity and heteronomy of Korean society that was advocated in the Japanese Colonialism Study of Korean History, he viewed the society of Koryo in the position to understand historic development through study in the character and transition of ruling power and studied the Political System of Koryo Dynasty on such viewpoint. Then, he traced its transition, namely, while accepting the 3 departments 6 sections system of Dang, Koryo changed it to 2 departments 6 sections system in accordance with the society of Koryo. Furthermore, Koryo transformed the operation of national administration based on Jungseomunhasung and 6 sections to that based on Dopyungeuisasa. It seems that the structural analysis on the overall political system is meager, because the analysis is concentrated on power structure and power organization. Moreover, trusting 《The History of Korvo》 Baekkwanji, the study might overlook historic materials which are opposite to Baekkwanji. Considering the environment where the history of Koryo was studied in 1970 when 《Studies in the Political System of Koryo Dynasty》 was published, this limit looks very minute. Besides, the historic position and meaning of his study in the History of Koryo is not affected by this limit at all. On the contrary, his effort to trace the individuality of the society of Koryo and the universality of Korean history through the structure and property of Political System of Koryo Dynasty, the overall transition of political system and the political system notwithstanding the inferior environment for study might be exemplary to younger scholars. Analyzing this book, I could realize again his pains to develop the area of Political System of Koryo Dynasty which was barren land and the mental agony of the 1st generation researchers who tried to negate Japanese Colonialism Study of Korean History and to establish new Korean history. Finally, I am afraid that I might arbitrarily handle his strenuous book and fail to evaluate it properly due to my deficient capability.

『舊三國史』의 편찬시기와 편찬배경

이정훈(Lee Joung-hoon) 역사실학회 2006 역사와실학 Vol.31 No.-

This study focuses on the date and the social background of the publication of Gusamguksa, the first historical book written in the Goryeo(高麗) period on the three kingdoms. In the Japji(miscellaneous, 雜志) section of Samguksagi(history of the three kingdoms, 『三國史記』) appears a description of a government organization called Taebong(泰封). However, when mentioning the term Taebong in Samguksagi, similar government organizations or names of titles from Goryeo also appear, juxtaposed to the term Taebong. It is noteworthy that among the organizational names mentioned, some of them are known to have been nonexistent during the Injong(仁宗) period then Samguksagi was published. This indicates that the editors for Samguksagi, when writing about Taebong, did not write offhand but referred to another historical source. There were many historical sources available for reference when Samguksagi was published. However, the only publication which dealt specifically with the history of the three kingdoms was Gusamguksa. Therefore, if the mentioning of Taebong owes its origin to another historical source material, the only possibility is that it referred to Gusamguksa. This leads to the hypothesis that the period when the title mentioned next to Taebong actually existed was the time Gusamguksa was published. What can be learned from an analysis of the description of Taebong in Samguksagi is that the period when the juxtaposed title in question existed is approximately from the second year of Mokjong(穆宗) to the second year of Hyeonjong's(顯宗) reign. Thus the date of publication of Gusamguksa is assumed to have been around the same period. However, the period from the second year of Mokjong to the second year of Hyeonjong's reign is that of a political uproar, featured with the empowerment and insurrection of Gimchiyang(金致陽) and the coup by Gangjo(康兆). The social atmosphere at the time was far from being appropriate for publishing an important history book. This naturally leads one to presume that the publication date for Gusamguksa is probably sometime after the second year of Hyeonjong, more specifically, during the fourth year of Hyeonjong's rule, when the war with Khitan was over and the board of editors, including Gamsuguksa, was newly appointed. The social backdrop for the publication of Gusamguksa during the fourth year of Hyeonjong's rule is characterized by the reenforcement of national security and the reorganization of the governmental system. Such reform was necessary for the king, but worked as a financial burden on the people, who have already been much devastated by the war. Thus the rulers aimed to instill into the minds of the people the importance of national security against the Khitan, and to accomplish this a sense of a historical continuity of Goryeo with Goguryeo(高句麗), which have been giving much support to the Goryeo society both internally and externally, needed to be established systematically. The publication of Gusamguksa, which is essentially a history of the three kingdoms mainly from the Goguryeo's point of view, was only one of the ways to accomplish this task.

고려전기 문산계(文散階)의 실제 운영 -개부의동삼사(開府儀同三司)와 특진(特進)을 중심으로-

이정훈 ( Joung Hoon Lee ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2011 동방학지 Vol.154 No.-

연구는 고려전기 최고 등급의 문산계였던 특진과 개부의동삼사가 수여되는 경우, 이를 띠었던 관직, 수여 대상을 고찰한 것이다. 특진과 개부의동삼사를 띤 관직은 문하시중, 중서령, 상서령, 문하시랑평장사, 중서시랑평장사, 참지정사로서, 재신직이었다. 두 문산계를 수여받은 사람들은 예외는 있지만 종실과 재신이었다. 종실로서 특진과 개부의동삼사를 받았던 사람들은 王子, 王子의 아들, 王子의 손자였다. 왕자는 공 또는 후로 책봉될 때, 사공이나 사도로 임명될 경우에는 특진에, 중서령 또는 상서령으로 임명될 경우에는 개부의동삼사에 제수되었다. 왕자의 아들과 손자는 공주와 결혼하여 伯으로 봉해질 때 특진에 임명되었으며, 후로 승급하면서 개부의동삼사에 제수되었다. 따라서 종실로서 특진과 개부의동삼사에 제수된 것은 왕자와 부마였다. 재신은 子이상으로 봉작될 경우 특진에 임명되었으며, 공신으로 책봉될 경우 개부의동삼사에 제수되었다. 재신의 문산계는 금자광록대부였다. 금자광록대부와 달리 재신이 특진, 개부의동삼사로 편제된 것은 같은 재신이라고 해도 봉작이 되는 사람과 그렇지 않은 사람, 공적이 뛰어난 사람과 그렇지 않는 사람을 같은 위계질서, 즉 같은 등급의 문산계로 편제할 수 없었기 때문이다. 그리하여 공신에 책봉될 정도의 공로를 세운 재신과 그렇지 않은 재신을 구분하기 위해서 개부의동삼사가 수여되었으며, 봉작될 정도의 공을 세운 재신과 그렇지 않은 재신을 구분하기 위해 특진이 수여되었다. 고려시대에는 봉작 및 공신으로 책봉될 때 관직이 함께 수여되거나 관직을 가진 사람에게 수여되었다. 관직에 대응하는 것이 문산계였다. 그러므로 봉작 및 공신 책봉 시에는 관직에 상응하는 문산계도 지급되었다. 봉작 및 공신 책봉은 공로에 대한 반대급부로 시행되었기 때문에, 봉작 및 공신 책봉 시에 수여되는 특진과 개부의동삼사는 勳階적인 성격을 지닐 수밖에 없었다. 또한 봉작 및 공신 책봉 시에 종실에게도 관직이 수여되었기 때문에 종실도 문산계에 편제되었다. This study focuses on the official post and social status of persons who were appointed Teukjin and Gaebueuidongsamsa, the highest civil positions during the early Goryeo Dynasty. The official posts of those who got Teukjin and Gaebueuidongsamsa were the chief offices, including Munhasijung, Jungseoryeong, Sangseoryeong, Muhasirangpyeongjangsa, Jungseosirangpyeongjangsa and Chamjijeongsa. Even though there were some exceptions, the two positions were usually given to the royal family and chief ministers. Among the royal family members who got Teukjin and Gaebueuidongsamsa were princes, their sons and their grandsons. When a prince was invested with a duck or marquis, he would either be given the position of Teukjin and eventually appointed Sagong or Sado, or given the position of Gaebueuidongsamsa to become Jungseoryeong or Sangseoryeong. When a son or grandson of a prince got married to a princess, he was appointed count and was given the position of Teukjin. Afterwards, when promoted, he was given the position of Gaebueuidongsamsa. Thus, the royal members who received the positions of Teukjin and Gaebueuidongsamsa were princes and husbands of princesses. When a chief minister was invested with the title of viscount or higher, he was given Teukjin; when he was chosen as a meritorious vassal, he was given the position of Gaebueuidongsamsa. The civil office of the chief minister was Geumjagwangnokdaebu. Because an official with merit and one without merit, or a person with a noble title and one without it, could not share the same rank within the civil hierarchical system, Gaebueuidongsamsa was given to a chief minister with merit to distinguish him from those without merit, and Teukjin was given to a chief minister deserving a noble title to distinguish him from other ministers. This explains why a minister would be appointed Teukjin or Gaebueuidongsamsa in addition to Geumjagwangnokdaebu. During the Goryeo age, merit or a title of nobility was given to an official; if a person did not previously have an official post, he would be given one in addition to the merit or title of nobility. The official post corresponded to the civil hierarchical system. Therefore, when merit or a title of nobility was given to a person, a civil office corresponding to the rank was given to him, too. As the title of nobility and merit were offered as a reward for accomplishments, Teukjin and Gaebueuidongsamsa awarded with the title and merit should have an honorable character. Furthermore, as the official post was given to royal members when the title of nobility and merit were awarded to them, the royal family was also included in the civil hierarchical system.

고려시대 금과의 대외관계와 同文院

李貞薰(LEE JOUNG-HOON) 한국사학회 2015 史學硏究 Vol.- No.119

이 논문은 금과의 외교업무를 전담한 동문원의 실체를 밝혀 고려가금과의 외교 관계를 어떻게 대처하였는지를 살펴본 것이다. 고려는 인종 4년(1126) 事大를 취하는 방향으로 금에 대한 외교 노선을 정한 뒤, 사신을 파견하여 금과 공식적인 외교관계를 맺었다. 자발적으로 사대의 예를 취하였기 때문에, 고려가 금에 대하여 반발 또는 저항하지 않을 경우 고려와 금 사이에는 별다른 문제가 발생하지 않을 것이었다. 그런데 인종 4년 9월 금은 保州에 대한 고려의 영유권 주장을 문제삼으면서 고려에 충성을 맹세하는 글인 서표를 제출하도록 요구하였다. 고려가 서표를 제출하지 않자, 금은 계속 보주 문제를 제기하였으며 심지어는 인종 6년 12월에는 송과 서하에서 보낸 서표의 문구를 알려주면서 여기에 의거하여 서표를 올리도록 압박하였다. 인종 7년 11월 고려가 서표를 제출할 때까지, 고려와 금은 서표를 둘러싸고 신경전을 벌였다. 서표를 둘러싼 고려와 금의 갈등은 사대에 대한 고려와 금의 입장이 달랐기 때문이었다. 금은 고려가 요에 했던 것보다 더 높은 수준의 사대를 취할 것을 요구하였다. 반면 고려는 기존에 해왔던 요?송과의 수준으로 금과의 사대관계를 설정하였다. 그러므로 고려는 금의 서표 요구를 받아들이기 어려웠던 것이었다. 그렇지만 일방적인 금 주도의 국제 정세를 부정할 수 없었던 고려는 금이 설정한 사대관계를 수용할 수밖에 없었다. 결국 고려는 서표를 제출하였다. 그런데 고려가 서표를 제출하였다는 것은 금이 요구한 사대의 수준을 고려가 수용했음을 말한다. 이는 고려가 요?송과 외교관계를 맺었을 때 보다 금과의 외교에 주의와 노력을 기울여야 만하며, 동시에 고려가 기존에 해왔던 것과는 다른 방식으로 금과의 외교관계를 풀어나가야 한다는 것을 의미한다. 이에 고려는 인종 7년을 전후하여 특정 국가와의 외교 업무를 전담하는 기관을 설치하던 송의 방식을 수용하여 동문원을 설치하였다. 동문원은 외교문서 작성을 비롯한 사신 접대 등 금과 관련된 외교업무 전반을 담당하였다. 이를 통해 고려는 금의 압박에 대응하고 안정적인 외교 관계를 유지하려고 하였다. 동문원을 제외하고는 고려가 특정 국가와의 외교 문제를 전담하는 관청을 설치한 적이 없다는 점에서, 동문원의 설치는 고려와 금의 외교 관계의 특성 및 고려가 금과의 관계를 얼마나 고민하고 적극적으로 대처하려 했는지를 잘 보여주는 것이라 하겠다.

논문 : 고려전기 학사직(學士職)과 국정운영

이정훈 ( Joung Hoon Lee ) 한국중세사학회 2009 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.26

고려전기 과거급제자의 初仕職 제수와 천거 : 製述科 급제자를 중심으로

이정훈(Lee, Joung-Hoon) 고려사학회 2023 한국사학보 Vol.- No.91

이 글은 제술과 급제자들의 초사직 임명 과정을 검토하여 고려전기 급제자들이 관료의 추천을 받아 초사직에 임명되었음을 밝혔다. 과거가 관료 선발 시험이었지만, 과거에 합격했다고 해서 급제자들이 곧바로 관료가 되었던 것은 아니었다. 급제자들은 국왕으로부터 공복를 하사받아야 정식 관료가 되었다. 또한 초사직에 임명되어야 급제자들은 행정 실무를 담당하였다. 그러므로 과거 합격은 급제자에게 관료 후보자라는 지위를, 공복 하사는 급제자에게 관료의 지위를 부여하였다. 공복 하사 후 초사직에 임명될 때까지 급제자는 실직 임용 후보자로 존재하였다. 급제자는 관료가 아니었기 때문에 행정 실무 경험이 없었다. 그러므로 인사담당 관청인 이부에서 급제자가 어떤 능력이 있는지를, 어떤 업무에 적합한 지를 판단하기 어려웠다. 또한 급제자에게 맞는 관직을 배정하는 것이 쉽지 않았다. 고려왕조에서 천거권은 관료에게만 주어졌는데, 관료는 급제자의 자질, 능력, 덕망, 평판 등을 종합적으로 고려하여 급제자에게 맞는 관직을 추천하였다. 이부는 관료의 천거에 의거해 급제자에게 초사직을 주었다. 그 결과 어떤 관료의 추천을 받느냐에 따라 급제자의 초사직 제수 시기와 초사직의 종류가 달라졌다. 이에 따라 급제자들은 과거 합격 이후 빨리 초사직을 받기 위해, 좋은 관직에 임명되기 위해 구관활동을 펼쳤다. This study reviews the appointment process of the first-time working position for the successful candidates for Composition Examination course 製述科, showing that the successful candidates in the early Goryeo Period were appointed to the first-time working position 初仕職 through recommendation of the bureaucrats. Even if the state examination 科擧 was a government official recruiting examination, the successful candidates were not appointed as officials immediately. The successful candidates were recognized as regular officials only when they were given official garments by the king. Furthermore, they could perform the administrative works only when they were appointed to the first-time working position. Therefore, the pass of the state examination gave them the status of a candidate for government officials, and the grant of an official garment gave them the official status. During the period from the grant of an official garment until the appointment of first-time working position, the successful candidates existed as an unemployed candidate for the appointment. Since the successful candidates were not bureaucrats, they had no experience in administrative practices. Therefore, it was difficult for the Civil Personnel Ministry 吏部, to determine what kind of ability the successful candidates had and what kind of job they were suitable for. In addition, it was not easy to assign the right official positions to the successful candidates. For the efficiency of personnel administration, the Goryeo Dynasty used the recommendation system. The recommendation right was given only to bureaucrats, who comprehensively considered the qualifications, abilities, morals, and reputation of tthe successful candidates, and recommended a government post suitable for them. The Civil Personnel Ministry gave the firsttime working position to the successful candidates based on the recommendation of the bureaucrats. As a result, depending on the recommending bureaucrat, the timing and type of first-time working positions could be different. Accordingly, after passing the state examination, in order to receive the first-time working position as soon as possible and to acquire a better government post, they carried out post-searching activities.

고려후기 僧官의 구성과 역할

李貞薰(LEE JOUNG-HOON) 고려사학회 2012 한국사학보 Vol.- No.49

This study is to examine the composition and the task of Dochongseop(都摠攝) and Pansa(判事) that were newly introduced in late Goryeo Dynasty to find out how Koryo changed the operation of Buddhist system in its late days. Dochongseop was installed in acception of Yuan system during Yuan’s intervention. There were Dochongseops for Yangga(兩街), Seongyo(禪敎), Seokgyo(釋敎), Ogyo(五敎) and Jogyejong(曺溪宗). Pansa Vias first installed during the reign of Gongminwang, and there were Pan-Jogyejong-sa(判曺溪宗事), Pan-Hwaeomjong-sa(判華嚴宗事) and Pan-Cheontaejong-sa(判天台宗事). Dochongseop and Pansa had participated in the appointment of Juji (住持, chief priest) and the operation of individual Buddhist sect, and they were installed in separation from Seungnoksa(僧錄司). Before Gongminwang, there were Seokgyo-Dochongseop, Ogyo-dochongseop and Jogyejong-Dochongseop under Yangga-Dochongsseop. After Gongminwang, there were Pansas such as Pan-Cheontaejong-sa and Pan-Hwaeomjong-sa under Seongyo-dochongsa. While Dochongseops for Yangga, Seokgyo, Ogyo and Jogyejong were installed temporarily, Seongyo-dochongseop and Pansa were regular ones. In early days of Goryeo, the appointment of Juji and the operation of individual sect were carried out autonomously by Buddhists themselves. But in the course of the coup d’etat by soldiers and the war against Mongol Empire, there were many changes in the environment of Buddhism and Buddhist system. Especially, there were serious conflicts among the Buddhists about the appointment of Jujis and the operation of Buddhist sects. Therefore, the government installed Dochongseop and Pansa to control the appointment of Jujis and the operation of sects directly. Thus, the installation of Dochongseop and Pansa had the intention to negate the autonomy of Buddhists and to raise the sovereignty of nation upon the Buddhism through the direct control of the nation on the appointment of Jujis and the operation of sects. It shows that the seungjeong (Buddhist ministry) that had been divided into Seungnoksa(nation) and Buddhist community were unified more and more under the control of the nation. Especially, Seongyo-dochongseop and Pansa were regular posts. Therefore, the appointment of Jujis and the oreration of sects were continuously made by specific Seung-Kwan(Buddhism officials) and the intervention of the nation in the appointment of Jujis and the oreration of sects got greater and greater. And, as Pansa was also installed in the ordinary government organization, it shows that the Buddhist sects were gradually considered as an ordinary political organization, though the politics and the Buddhism had been separated in Goryeo. Therefore, the installation of Dochongseop and Pansa was a dear sign for the secularization and the politicalization of Buddhism along with the fact that the priests with seclusion oath were appointed as officials to hold the secular posts.