산림휴양지 유형에 따른 피톤치드(모노테르펜) 농도 비교

이용기,우정식,최시림,신은상,Lee, Yong-Ki,Woo, Jung-Sik,Choi, Si-Rim,Shin, Eun-Sang 한국환경보건학회 2015 한국환경보건학회지 Vol.41 No.4

Objectives: This study was conducted to provide scientific and effective information on phytoncides, which are associated with forest healing, and to activate recreational forests. Methods: The target sites were natural recreation forests, a forest park and an arboretum, and the control sites were three urban parks. The samples were collected at a volume of 6.0 L and a flow rate of 0.1 L/min for one hour using a low volume pump and the solid adsorbent sampling method. The phytoncide compounds adsorbed in the Tenax TA tube were analyzed by a automatic heat desorption unit and GC-MS. Results: By type of recreational forest, the annual concentrations of phytoncide (monoterpene) for the forest park showed the highest concentration with $1.450{\mu}g/m^3$, while those for the arboretum showed the lowest concentration at $0.892{\mu}g/m^3$, and thus the concentration of the forest park was approximately 1.6 times higher than the arboretum. The season showing the highest concentration of phytoncides was summer (June) and the forest park was the highest among the recreational forests. The concentrations of major components for phytoncide showed in descending order: ${\alpha}-pinene$, ${\beta}-pinene$, camphene, 3-carene and limonene. The seasonal concentration of ${\alpha}-pinene$, camphene and ${\beta}-pinene$ by type of recreational forest increased in April, which is characterized by low temperature and humidity, and the seasonal concentration of camphene decreased with higher humidity. The meteorological factors which had the high correlation with the concentration of total terpene were temperature and humidity. $CO_2$ and $O_2$ showed an inverse correlation. Conclusion: The major components of phytoncide were ${\alpha}-pinene$, ${\beta}-pinene$, camphene, 3-carene and limonene in descending order of concentration. Further and systematic study on the chemical nature of individual phytoncides, and on the effect of phytoncides on humans needs to be performed.

Hallervorden-Spatz 병 환자의 전신마취 하 치과치료 -증례보고-

이용기,서광석,김현정,염광원,안병덕,Lee, Yong-Ki,Seo, Kwang-Suk,Kim, Hyun-Jeong,Yum, Kwang-Won,Ahn, Byung-Deok 대한치과마취과학회 2007 Journal of Dental Anesthesia and Pain Medicine Vol.7 No.2

Hallervorden-Spatz disease (HSD) is a rare autosomal recessive disorder associated with excessive iron deposition in the basal ganglia. In general, HSD is characterized by onset in first two decade of life and by the presence of extra-pyramidal dysfunction including dystonia, rigidity, choreoathetosis. Other associated features include gait and posture disturbance, intellectual decline, seizure, tremor, dysarthria. These signs and symptoms are progressive. MRI is often demonstrated hypodensity in the basal ganglia which is probably suggestive of accumulation of iron. There is no specific treatment for HSD and 45% of patients die before reaching the age of 20 years. The managements directed at specific symptoms are often helpful. Especially, some surgical procedures like pallidotomy and gastrostomy are performed under general anesthesia. There is special need for careful management because of numerous anesthetic challenges like difficulty in cooperation, life-threatening airway obstruction and possibility of aspiration. We report a successful anesthetic management in a patient with HSD for dental procedures.

식민지기 농촌 지역사회의 중첩된 시간 ― `전통적인 것`의 향방과 함의

이용기 ( Lee Yong-ki ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 大東文化硏究 Vol.96 No.-

이 글은 `식민지근대`에 대한 심층적 이해를 위해서 `전통과 근대`의 교섭·절합·착종의 양상을 시야에 넣는 이론적·방법론적 모색이 시급히 요청된다는 문제의식에서 출발한다. 이를 위해 식민지기 `전통과 근대`의 관계에 대한 이론적 쟁점과 분석틀을 비판적으로 검토하고, 필자가 기왕에 연구했던 전남 장흥의 구체적 사례를 활용하여 그 한계 지점을 보완하는 대안적 설명을 제시하였다. 양반 출신의 `전통적` 엘리트들은 `전통적 권위`라는 상징적 정치자원을 활용하여 지역사회에서 영향력을 확보하고자 했으며, 광범한 주민들을 자신의 코드로 포섭함으로써 지역사회의 현실 권력구조에도 개입할 수 있었다. 식민지기 사회운동을 전개한 `근대적` 엘리트의 경우에도 `전통적인 것`의 영향에서 자유롭지 못했다. 사회운동의 공간적 확장과 이념적 급진화의 이면에는 `전통적 권위 질서`라는 결이 작동하고 있었던 것이다. 식민지기에도 `전통적인 것`이 지속되는 데에는 나름의 기반과 동력이 있었다. 농민의 일상생활의 차원에서 지속되는 `전통적인 것`은 외부 세계의 변화에 대한 `지체된 대응`을 메워주는 단순한 완충장치로 보기 힘들다. 오히려 이는 식민권력에 의해 강압적으로 추진되는 근대화에 대한 농민들의 거리감과 거부감에서 기인하는 익숙한 것의 고집이라는 적극적 실천의 계기를 내포하고 있었다. 그런 면에서 농민의 `소전통`은 `만들어진 전통`이라기보다는 `전통적인 것`을 고수하려는 농민들의 `일상적 실천`으로 볼 수 있다. A new theoretic and also methodical approach, which would enable us to examine `interactions, compromises and even conflicts` that occurred between premodern traditional elements and some `modern` elements newly introduced to the colonized Korean society in the early 20th century, should be developed sooner than later so that we could achieve a deeper understanding of the nature of Korea`s colonized modernity. So here in this article, previous points that have been debated in the past, and methodologies that have been usually applied to the studies of this time period as well as this subject (how pre-modernity and modernity either coexisted or collided then) are critically analyzed, with a proposed alternative approach, based on individual qualities which I have been able to witness recently from the example of Jeolla Namdo province`s Jang`heung area. Traditional `Yangban` elites wanted to maintain their influences in local communities with their own customary authorities that had served them in the past as a symbolic political capital, and were indeed able to still retain a considerable say in local politics, with the residents in the area still persuaded by such logic. The `modern` elites who charged on with social movements in colonized Korea were not entirely free from `the traditional` either, as even when social movements were expanding and their ideology was growing much more radical, the `traditional authority order` was still very much inside their heads, and to some extent dictating their actions and direction. And there was a reason for during of `the traditional`. Traditional elements of the peasants` everyday lives were not just unenlightened, yet-to-be modified aspects of their lives, but was rather their own way of sticking to what they were accustomed to and familiar with, in a reality that was forcing them to face a strange modernization process that was in itself forcibly imposed upon them by the colonial authorities which they resented and resisted. Their attitude was not to create a buffer to protect them from consequences caused by a delayed modernization or inconveniences that would ensue, but was their own way of actively facing the demands of the time and deploying their own actions. In that regard, the so-called `little traditions` once mentioned by Matsumoto was not a `manufactured tradition,` but rather the peasants` deliberate efforts to stick to their `traditional way of life.`

1860~1970년대 동계의 식리방식의 변화와 `합리성`의 이면 ― 전남 장흥군 어서리 동계의 사례를 통하여―

이용기 ( Lee Yong Ki ) 역사문제연구소 2011 역사문제연구 Vol.15 No.1

Examined in this article are the changes that occurred in the operations of the Dong`gye(洞契, village association) in the time frame from the 1860s through the 1970s. They are analyzed so in order to reveal how the so called `Rational management` of the Dong`gye`s finacial activities was enforced, and how the previously established `community order` was altered as a result. The Eo`seo-ri Dong`gye was formed in the 19th century, as a financial community which loaned “Gye” money(“Gye`jeon”, a fund accumulated by all the installment payments submitted from the individual `Gye` members) to almost 30 people at a time in maximum. This kind of loaning policy could be described as the `Loaning-to-many` policy. Yet coming into the 20th century this policy shifted, and it became a normal practice to designate only 10 or so people as entitled to receive a loan, and that number continued to drop, albeit in a gradual fashion(creating a new policy which we can describe as `Loaning-to-few`). This kind of policy change was employed in order to boost the level of safety and efficiency of the operation (and management) of the Gye`jeon money, by having business with people who had superior economic power and fine levels of credit. Such goal was partially fulfilled, yet the overall situation of the Dong`gye was not that much enhanced. First, the loan recipients, although being a group of people who were deemed most capable of returning the debt with adequate interests and not to mention `on time`, were in reality not able to immediately return the loan, and only returned them over the course of many years. Second, as only a handful of people were to receive the loan in the first place, the recipients were able to loan money in a considerably larger fashion compared to before, yet in such circumstances the overall fund would have to suffer a serious body blow to its integrity, when even merely one or two loan recipients were not able to return the loan at all. Added to that, the Eo`seo-ri Dong`gye could not withstand the pressures that came from the Japanese colonial authorities which employed a `total mobilization` policy. Unable to avoid a deficit situation and forced to go red, the Dong`gye temporarily halted all of its profit seeking activities, and only restarted its operations in 1952 when the Korean War was winding down. And to address the problems that had arisen from the `Loaning-to-few` policy, a new policy that directed the entire Dong`gye money to be loaned to a `single person(chief operating officer of Dong`gye)` was employed, and this `Loaning-to-one` policy was institutionalized in 1964. The Eo`seo-ri Dong`gye decided to loan all its money to a credible, single individual, and then imposed an obligation to fully return the loan on time above that individual, and as a compensation the association also settled a relatively low interest rate upon the money loaned to that person. As a result, not a single incident of an `over-due` loan returning (or not returning at all) ever happened. The stability and efficiency of the Dong`gye`s financial operations was impressively enhanced. Yet while the Dong`gye`s financial management was becoming more and more `rational`, the internal order of the village community was being threatened and dismantled. In the 19th century, the policy of loaning money to `many` people displayed some inefficiency in its operations, yet almost all of the villagers had the opportunity to receive a loan, and most of the villagers shared the right to receive a loan with a low interest rate, while also bearing the obligation to uphold the integrity and stability of the Dong`gye`s financial status together. Yet in the early half of the 20th century, with all the money loaned only to a considerably smaller group of people, the privileges and obligations were only shared by those small number of people as well, and many people were shunned out of the decision making process, leaving only those few people in charge of the Dong`gye affairs. The spirit of collective management of the Dong`gye was no longer existent. The `Loaning-to-one` policy significantly raised the level of rationality in the profit seeking process, yet it also seriously breached the village`s capability of collective management. The Eo`seo-ri Dong`gye shifted its policy from loaning money to a small group of people (in the early half of the 20th century) to loaning money to a single individual (in the latter half of the same century), and placed all the privileges and obligations upon the shoulder of that single recipient, in the hope of managing the Gye money more stably and efficiently, yet in the process it shut out the rest of the people and prevented them from having a voice in the operations of the Dong`gye, and that dismantled the collective responsibility of the community, and neutralized any chance of a public census to be formed. The `rational operation` of the Eo`seo-ri Dong`gye was indeed a modern achievement, but also a mere development of the `procedure`, rather than the substance or the spirit.

【총론】 `새로운 민중사`의 지향과 현주소

이용기 ( Lee Yong Ki ) 역사문제연구소 2010 역사문제연구 Vol.14 No.1

Examined in this article is the so-called `New History of Minjung,` which was recently suggested and has been trying to escape the concepts and ideas of the `History of Minjung` that had been established in the 1980s and 1990s. Its basis of premises, its logical structure and objectives, current condition of relevant studies and its future tasks, are all evaluated in this article, essentially as a `midterm project review.` First, in order to understand how such concept of a `New History of Minjung` was suggested in the first place, the meaning and failures of the `History of Minjung` studies of the 1980s and `90s are examined. In such process, how such previous studies should be supplemented and augmented by `New History of Minjung` studies is discussed as well. Then, the basic idea of this special project, and all the individual studies conducted collectively and recently by the members of the `History of Minjung study group,` are presented. And finally, all the issues that `New History of Minjung` would have to eventually deal with in the future, are suggested. `New History of Minjung` can be described as a different approach to history, a far departure from the previous `History of Minjung` studies in the past, which established the people vividly and institutionally as a force who would lead the charge of development and changes in countries and states. `New History of Minjung` examines history with a perspective that sees `from below` and examine `things beneath.` It tries to look into ① the nature of people`s ordinary lives, as well as the politics embedded in those everyday living, ② the complex and multi-vocality of the people themselves, ③ the exact features of multiple intersections cross-cutting between evidences of autonomy and subordination, and ④ the possibilities of overcoming the existing paradigm of modernism that usually turned out to be the basis for certain `development arguments` of many nations. All the studies that share these sorts of interests can be labelled as studies that are proceeding in the spirit of `New History of Minjung.` The main theme of this special occasion is `Minjung(people), on the threshold-Toward a New History,` and with this occasion we intend to reveal the intentions and current situation of the `New History of Minjung.` `Minjung, on the threshold` refers to people whose existence often steps upon the line between dominant ruling and retaining of self-regulation, or on the line between reality and discourse, or on the line between modernity and non-modernity. They frequently step over the line as well, and would eventually render such lines irrelevant and ambiguous. Describing the people as such figures, would be an expression of a perspective which views them as pretty much contradictory entities too. In the future, with a critical perspective toward modernity, we should redefine the parameters of `History of Minjung`, which had pretty much already been `modernized.` Yet we shall not resolve the issue by simply suggesting a perspective that could escape such modern-centric attitude, as that could only bring another level of dichotomy to the existing situation. Instead, we shall explore the potentials of `New History of Minjung` studies as a `methodical approach`, as such studies could be helpful in our contemplating upon the failures of modernity and the possibilities of the `outside` of modernity, within our progress of studying the reality of the people who was rather an `external component` during the modern times of Korea. In the end of this article, the most crucial four issues that this `New History of Minjung` should address in the future are suggested and examined. Those four issues are, first defining the concept of `Minjung,` then examining the problem of the representation of Minjung, while also newly defining the concept of `History of Minjung,` and finally revitalizing the practical nature of relevant “New History of Minjung” studies. Both theoretical and empirical studies should advance the current status of “New History of Minjung” studies in the future.

일제시기 모범부락의 내면과 그 기억 : 전남 강진군 성전면 수양리 사례를 중심으로

이용기(Lee Yong-ki) 고려사학회 2010 한국사학보 Vol.- No.38

역사학, 구술사를 만나다

이용기(Lee Yong-ki) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.71

Examined in this article, are the current situation of historical studies based upon oral statements, and certain tasks as well that are related to those studies and require further attention and address. Purpose of this examination is to determine the prospect of this particular area of studies, and find ways to enhance them in the future. The main question is, basically, what the Korean historians should do in order to elevate this area of studies, from merely producing and accumulating records of oral statements, to a new level of producing actual historical studies based upon them. The probable answer to such question, is extensively discussed in this article, based upon the author's personal experiences. In Korea, people's interest in the contemporary history has arisen significantly since the end of the 1980s. And out of efforts to secure information, which would shed some light on the task of pursuing events that happened in those days, yet at the same time would not appear in any official records or documents, historical studies based upon oral statements('Oral History' from now on) were initiated in the form of securing testimonies. In mid-1990s, theories and methodology of the Western scholars (engaged in Oral history) were introduced to Korea through the activities of anthropologists, and such introduction paved the way for full-blown Oral history studies in Korea. Coming into the 2000s, the Oral history studies were upgraded once again, armed with the historical perception of viewing history 'from below', which happened to be fairly critical of certain aspects of the modern society. The society of Korean historians are still very much captured and restrained by the principle of 'Positivism', and they remain skeptical of the merit and validity of Oral history studies, because the very material(oral statements) are considered to be fairly subjective by many people. But in that regard, other materials cannot escape the charge of being subjective either, so the concept of historical objectivity itself should be reviewed and reestablished. The past experiences, and the memories of that past shared by present day people, and not to mention the discrepancy and potential conflicts between them, should be dealt with more seriously and more comprehensively in the future. The past reality should be determined more accurately and with more details, while the present day memory of them should be analyzed with many things considered and with a more proactive viewpoint. Hopefully, the Korean society of historians would be more active and progressive in Oral history studies in the future, and open a new chapter for such studies in Korea based upon the uniqueness of Korean situations and the general characteristics of historical studies.

고객접점 종업원의 친사회적 행위에 대한 고객지각이 종업원 서비스품질 평가 , 고객만족과 고객의 자발적 행위에 미치는 영향

이용기(Yong Ki Lee) 한국마케팅학회 2001 마케팅연구 Vol.16 No.3

본 연구는 레스토랑 산업에서 서비스품질, 고객만족과 고객애호도, 참여, 협조로 구성되는 고객의 자발적 행위 (CVP)에 종업원의 친사회적 행위 (PSB)가 미치는 영향에 대한 구조적 관계를 분석하였다. 이를 검증하기 위하여 이러한 관계들에 관한 구조모델과 몇 가지 가설을 제시하였다. 호텔과 패밀리 레스토랑을 이용한 305명으로부터 수집된 자료를 바탕으로, Lisrel 8.3에 의해 구조모델을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 종업원의 친사회적 행위는 서비스품질과 고객만족의 매개변수를 통하여 고객의 자발적 행위에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 이와 같은 결과는 서비스기업이 고객애호도, 참여, 협조와 같은 고객의 자발적 행위를 달성하기 위해서는 고객접점 종업원이 고객지향적인 친사회적 행위를 높이는 서비스전략을 수집하여야 한다는 것을 제시하고 있다. 한편 종업원의 친사회적 행위가 고객의 자발적 행위에 미치는 직접적 영향을 분석한 결과, 규정된 역할은 고객애호도, 비규정 역할은 고객참여와 협조에 직접적 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 이와 같은 결과는 종업원의 규정된 역할은 고객애호도를 높이나, 비규정된 역할의 고객서비스를 강화한다면 고객들의 참여와 협조를 높일 수 있다는 점에서 관리적 시사점을 제시해준다. 마지막으로, 본 연구의 이론적 기여, 관리적 시사점, 연구의 한계점과 미래의 연구방향이 제시되었다. This study attempts to investigate the influences of prosocial behavior (PSB) of employee on service quality, customer satisfaction, and customer voluntary performance (CVP) such as customer loyalty, participation, and cooperation in restaurant industry. For these purposes the author developed a structural model which consists of several constructs. The data were analyzed with Lisrel 8.3W. The results can be summarized as follows: the PSB influences CVP through the mediation of service quality and customer satisfaction. This suggests that, to achieve the CVP, service marketers have to try to improve PSB of service-contact employees. At the end of the paper, theoretical contributions, managerial implications, limitations, and future research directions are discussed.

경쟁적 소매환경의 공급사슬에서 정보공유 역효과에 관한 행동 실험 기반의 연구

이용기(Yong Ki Lee),유영목(Yung-Mok Yu),서용원(Yongwon Seo) 한국SCM학회 2010 한국SCM학회지 Vol.10 No.1

Benefits of real-time shared stock information on the supply chain performance have been verified through many researches and practices. However, it has been recently indicated that fully shared information can incur unnecessary competitions to preoccupy inventories and degrade the supply chain performance with competitive retailers. Since the previous research is based on computer simulations, experimental observations to account for behavioral effects are required. Thus, the objective of this paper is to design and execute behavioral experiments to verify the dysfunction of inventory competitions with fully shared stock information. We found that with fully shared information the total supply chain costs as well as the individual members’ operation costs are significantly increased. This result provides important practical implications on the design of information sharing mechanism considering inventory competitions among supply chain members.

식민지기 민중의 셈법과`자율적` 생활세계 ―생활문서의 화폐기록을 통하여

이용기 ( Lee Yong Ki ) 역사문제연구소 2010 역사문제연구 Vol.14 No.1

Examined in this article are some interesting characteristics which could be spotted in certain documents that concerned the everyday life of the people during the Japanese occupation period. They are carefully examined in oder to explore the people`s lives and thinking, which would have been built and formed upon a basis that should have been clearly different from the state`s `official order.` Inside all the account books created for the Gye/契 credit unions of the time, which were essentially, documented records that retained substantial closeness and relevance to the lives of ordinary people, the traditional `Yang/兩-Jeon錢-Bun/分` system that had been used to count for Joseon Yeobjeon coins in earlier periods was still being used. It should be noted that such old system was being used in the place of a modern currency system(`Weon/圓-Jeon/錢`) which was recently established (by the Japanese-affiliated authorities). It was indeed peculiar that such old system was still being used, even when it had been quite a while since the beginning of the Japanese occupation. In 1905, the authorities` policy of reforming the currency system had already adopted the Weon-Jeon system as the only legitimate currency system, and all the Yeobjeon coins were removed from the market. Yet not only in the 1920s and 1930s but also even in the 1940s, the old system was still in use in managing account books. What would have been the reason? First, examination of materials produced by the Governor-general office, or other resources such as newspapers and even personal journals, reveals that at least in the mid-1920s the new currency system managed to dominate the market even inside the rural areas as well, and the Yeobjeon coins were only serving as an assisting currency in local communities, carrying small denominations. Second, we can see that, notwithstanding the situation mentioned above, the currency system that accounted value with the Yang unit prevailed in the late 1920s and even in the early 1940s. Such prevailing was made possible with the urge to veto a colonized modernization process, and to withhold the traditions and also keep their own `senses.` In other words, the most primary driving force that existed behind maintaining the usage of the old currency system, was a deliberate effort to put a distance between the colonial authorities and the people themselves, and also to maintain the people`s own unique value system and living styles, which they refused to change according to the colonized modernization process. Third, we can see that maintaining the traditional currency system was not a mere matter of philosophy. Such efforts were able to continue partly because the new official currency system was not yet capable of fully covering the entire market of Joseon, in which exchanging items and credits [instead of money] was also a normal practice. Added to that, such maintaining of efforts was also made possible thanks to the existence of regional/local (dong-)Gye credit unions, which were composed of elements such as `created traditions` and the `publicness of the people.` From all these records, we can see that although the people`s autonomous world of life was not entirely free or independent from the imperial and colonial authorities and not to mention its official new currency system, the authorities ultimately failed to establish a central, unified nature for the new currency system, which was essential for establishing a modern nation. And that was where disruptive changes were made possible, on the most basic and primary levels of living. The fact that the old traditional currency system remained and existed for quite some time, even during the Japanese occupation period, shows us that all those modern changes forced upon the Korean people by the colonial authorities were in fact not able to be implemented in Korea that unilaterally and in full capacity. There were indeed many cracks, violations and loopholes. And that was exactly how a modernization process unfolded in the colonized Joseon.