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노명환 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2006 International Area Studies Review Vol.9 No.2
This is a historical research into West German Ostpolitik and Korean South-North relations between 1969 and 1972. The main question lies in the issue: What kind of impact and influence did West German Ostpolitik have on the development of dialogue between the South and the North? In order to find out the answers to this question and others, the author inspected and reviewed the relevant documents in the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in the FRG embassy in South Korea. The author analyzes these aspects focused on the 8·15 Declaration of the President of Republic of Korea and Red Cross talks between South and North Korea and the 7·4 Joint Communiqu.
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서신 왕래를 통해 본 빌리 브란트와 김대중의 관계 1973-1992
노명환 한국독일사학회 2019 독일연구 Vol.- No.40
In this study, I focused on the relationship between Willy Brandt and Kim Dae-jung. Through this I tried to illuminate their thoughts, and their lives, focusing on the letters exchanged between 1979 and 1992. According to these correspondences, the two people developed deeply human and cognitive relationships for twenty years from the time of the kidnapping of Kim Dae Jung in 1973 to the annihilation of Willy Brandt in 1992. The contents of the correspondence between the two people also presented various important facts in contextual connection with correspondence with others. For example, There were the movements of South Korea's Social Democratic Party establishment in West Germany after the October 26, 1979 incident, and the Exile Question of Kim Dae Jung to Europe, which was discussed between Willy Brandt's people and the Korean government at the time of the death sentence of Kim Dae-jung in 1980. The Informations were a matter of opening a new knowledge of the history of the times. 본 연구에서는 1979년부터 1992년 사이에 두 사람이 교류한 서신들을 중심으로 두 사람의 관계 및 정책, 사상, 삶을 조명해 보았다. 이 서신들에 의하면 두 사람은 1973년 김대중의 동경 납치 시기부터 1992년 빌리 브란트가 타계하기 까지 20년 동안 깊은 인간적 그리고 동지적 관계를 발전시켜 갔다. 두 사람 사이의 서신 내용들은 다른 사람들과의 서신 내용들과 맥락적인 연계 속에서 또한 여러 중요한 사실들을 제시해 주었다. 예를 들어, 1979년 10·26 사태 이후 서독에서 있었던 한국의 사회민주당 창당 움직임, 1980년 김대중의 사형이 예견되던 시기에 브란트의 사람들과 한국 정부 사이에 논의되었던 김대중을 유럽으로 망명 시키는 내용 등도 이 시대의 역사에 대한 새로운 지식의 지평을 열어주는 사안들이었다.
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동방정책을 추진하던 독일연방공화국 (서독)의 시각에서 본 한국의남·북관계 1969-72
노명환 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2008 국제지역연구 Vol.11 No.4
The West Germany (FRG) was intensely interested in the Korean South-North relations, especially at the end of 1960's into the early 1970's. Their prime motivation was the belief that they could glean valuable insight for Ostpolitik from the Korean case. In particular, the West German government estimated that the Red Cross talks and the Joint Communiqué of July 4, 1972, contributed to easing tensions in East Asia in the most spectacular way. Understandably it saw a fruitful comparison in the moves towards détente on the Korean peninsula in the northeast Asian geopolitical context and the broadly European dimension of Ostpolitik. In consequence the West German government was assured that its constructive policy orientation of Ostpolitik was the right one to have championed. According to West Germany the fundamental difference between the German West-East relations and Korean South-North relations from the perspective of the condition of dialogues lay in the fact that, politically speaking, West Germany was prepared to endorse East Germany as a state in the framework of the theory of the "two states in a nation", while for the two Korean governments such mutual recognition was absolutely not on their respective policy agendas. The German concern with the war crime during the Second World War and the strong will of West Germany to participate in post-WWII European cooperation and eventually pan-European supranationalism is all understandable even today. East Germany, alternatively, aimed to establish an independent sovereign state under the tutelage of the Soviet Union. In contrast again nationalism predominated as the central political value in Korea especially after the liberation from Japanese Colonial rule. Dual nationalisms and the distant goal of unification differently conceived still - are the paramount goals in both South and North Korea. 동과 서로 분단된 국가로서 1960년대 말 1970년대 초 동방정책을 실시하고 있던 서독이 남북으로 분단된 남한의 통일정책과 남북관계를 어떻게 바라보았는가? 하는 문제제기가 본 논문의 핵심 주제이다. 이 연구를 위해 필자는 주한 서독 대사관의 관련 당시 기록들을 분석하였다. 초국가주의에 눈을 뜬 서독은 국가주의에 의거한 남과 북의 통일정책을 주시했으며 평화통일을 지향한다는 측면에서 동방정책의 보편성을 확인하고 자 하였다. 주변 강대국들이 한국의 남북관계에 어떠한 영향을 미치는가 하는 측면을 자신의 상황과 비교하면서 관찰·분석하였다.
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노명환 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2009 국제지역연구 Vol.12 No.4
Sweden is one of the “three fingers of Scandinavia," located between Norway and Finland. There are thousands of islands lining the coast, and mountains form much of the northwest. Sweden is dotted with lakes, and more than half of the country is forested. The population of Sweden is 8.8 million. At least 85% of the people are ethnic Swedes. A small, indigenous minority (approximately 15,000), the Sami, lives in the North. Sweden's late Industrial Revolution in the early 1900s contributed to its swift rise from poverty to prosperity. The country already established solid educational and transportation systems that supported industrialization. There was also money for expansion into new industries because of Sweden's valuable timber and iron that were in great demand in Europe. Sweden had discovered early that a partnership of private and public interests was the best combination for both achieving economic success and benefiting as many people as possible. The evolution into a social democratic system had started. The six fundamental values of Swedish social democracy: equality, freedom, democracy, solidarity, security, and efficiency. The form of democracy in Sweden is often called the “Swedish model" and sometimes “human capitalism," and it relies heavily on the close collaboration between business, government, and labor. The Swedish word ‘lagom' is key to understanding the rationale behind social democracy. ‘Lagom' is untranslatable but essentially means “middle way" and “reasonable." The summer home, stuga is a place to go for solitude and quiet individualism. It brings into focus most of the important values in Sweden, including equality. The Swedes' love and respect for nature is a strongly held value. Swedish companies, especially the larger ones, are able to draw on some extraordinary qualities of leadership: For example, Peter Gyllenhammer of Volvo, Ingvar Kamprad of IKEA, Percy Barnevik of Asea Brown Boveri, Bjorn Svedberg of L. M. Ericsson, Jan Carlzon of SAS, Allan Larson of the Labor Market Board, Bo Ekman of the aptly named Holen Group, Antonin Johnson of A. Johnson, Curt Nicolin, head of the Employer's Federation, and many others. Swedish leaders are extremely broad in their interests and their education. Their vital contribution of business to Swedish society is at the top of their agendas, and this contribution goes far beyond economics. One important test of leadership is readiness to delegate. For Swedes, the information necessary to improving the work process is widely distributed through group. We see again how Swedes identify their work with the highest cultural institutions in the land and feel themselves part of these. ‘스웨덴 모델’로 불리는 스웨덴의 경제와 사회제도를 지탱해 온 기업문화는 어떠한 것일까? 본고에서는 스웨덴의 역사를 개괄하고 스웨덴 인들의 일상의 삶과 깊은 관계에 있는 여름 별장 스투가 (stuga)가 상징하는 바를 분석하면서 스웨덴 기업문화의 기본 전제들과 실제를 조명하고 자 한다. 스웨덴 인이 누구인가를 이해하기 위해서는 그들에게 자리 잡은 ‘중용의 합리성’이라는 개념에 해당할 수 있는 라곰 (lagom)에 대한 이해가 중요하다. 스웨덴 기업문화를 이해하는 데 있어서 자유주의, 개인주의 그리고 공동체주의가 어떻게 합리적 중용을 이루며, 자본주의와 사회주의가 어떻게 사회민주주의로 조화로운 귀결을 이루는지를 파악하는 것이 매우 중요하다. 자본주의 체제 속에서의 대기업들의 발달과 사회민주주의에 의거한 대기업들의 사회헌신 그리고 이를 통한 광범위한 사회복지제도 지원 등은 라곰에 기초한 ‘스웨덴 모델’의 근간이다.
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