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요가 프로그램이 재가노인의 우울, 삶의 질, 일상활동장애에 미치는 효과
김영희,박금숙,양경희,정헌영,양희정,Kim, Young-Hee,Park, Kum-Sook,Yang, Kyung-Hee,Jeong, Heon-Young,Yang, Hee-Jung 대한예방한의학회 2013 대한예방한의학회지 Vol.17 No.3
Objective : The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of yoga program on depression, quality of life, and difficulty of daily activities in community elders. Methods : A Nonequivalent control group pretest-posttest design was used for this study. Elderly people who agreed to participated in the study were assigned to a experimental group(n=17) or a control group(n=17). The yoga program conducted 90minutes, 2times a week for 1 year. Study outcomes were measured by structured questionnaires from March, 2012 to Feb., 2013. For data analysis, Chi-square test, t-test, and Mann-Whitney U test were performed using SPSS version 17.0. Results : Depression was not significant difference between the two groups in pretest and posttest. But there was significant differences between the two groups in quality of life (t=3.984, p<.001), and difficulty of daily activities (t=-3.083, p=.004). Therefore, the experimental group showed significant improvement in quality of life and reduce difficulty of daily activities. Conclusion : The yoga program was effective in increasing quality of life and decreasing difficulty of daily activities in community elders. When developing exercise program to improve health in older adults, it is important to consider physical exercise plus general health management.
國民總力朝鮮聯盟의 사무국 개편과 官邊團體에 대한 통제(1940.10~1945.8)
김영희 한국근현대사학회 2006 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.37 No.-
The imperialist Japan controlled and reorganized the official organizations in order to operate the war basis preparing for the Pacific War. This article is intended to clarify that Chosun-Federation had an organic relationship with the other official organizations and took the lead in operating the war basis at the last stage of Japanese imperialism. In accordance with the spread of war and the increase of compulsory mobilization, Chosun-Federation tried to reorganize the executive office and accelerate the logic to justify the war and draw cooperation from people. Chosun-Federation controlled people by incorporating about 70 main official organizations. And some high-ranking officials or the related figures in the Chosun government-general could hold additional posts as a chief of these organizations. Officials of influential organizations could be a councilor of Chosun-Federation and participate in making decisions for Total Movement’s main points, and they applied these points to their organizations’ work. Chosun people showed aspects surrounded with the Chosun-Federation, the administrative and various kinds of organizations. They had to be patriotic group’s members of Chosun-Federation and compelled to have a collective way of action and spirit as a member of another groups. The war basis of Japan and Chosun was constructed on the ideology and organizations. In Japan, the Emperor system ideology supported the war basis despite the fragility of Daisho-Ikchan-Organization and the sectionalism of particular groups. But Chosun society shows the prevalence of a unitary and systematic organizations with the attack on both sides of ideology and organization. The national mobilization system and authoritarianism and nationalism of the Korean society after liberation, have roots in the compulsory mobilization system, standardization, collectivity and nationalism at the last stage of Japanese imperialism.
김영희 한국여성문학학회 2003 여성문학연구 Vol.9 No.-
This paper looks at the current status and position of women’s literature in Korea. It returns to the relationship between women's and national literature, and notes that despite various achievements and new directions in women's literature and feminist criticism, we may be currently witnessing a loss of the complex perspectives and critical momentum. These are what feminist critics worked for in the 1980s, when they tried to reconstruct and establish ties between national literature and "women's liberation literature.' This article reviews the efforts of these critics and looks for connections (or disconnections) with two recent trends: critiques of the categories of nation/nationalism and discourses on femaleness. 이 글은 민족문학론과 여성문학론의 관계와 결벌을 되짚어봄으로써 현재 여성문학이 처한 위치와 위상을 생각해보려는 한 시도이다. 80년대 여성문학론이 민족문학과 동행하고자 했을 때가졌던 핵심적인 문제의식이 무엇이며, 그 문제의식의 실종이 여성문학론에 갖는 의미가 무엇인지 다시 짚어보는 것은 현재 여성문학의 길을 열어가는 데도 중요한 함의를 갖는다. 여성문학론이 그간 보여온 성취와 새로운 모색에도 불구하고, 복합적 시야와 비판적 동력이 약화되는 조짐이 드러나고 있는데 바로 이들이야말로 과거 여성문학론이 힙겹게 고민하고 추구했던 바이기 때문이다. 이 글은 이런 취지 아래 한편으로 민족문학론과의 만남을 시도한 과거의 논의들을 살펴보고, 다른 한편으로 근자의 여성문학론에서 두드러진 두 가지 경향, 즉 민족/민족주의에 대한비판 및 여성성 담론들의 공과를 비판적으로 재점검해본다.