언어습득과 생성문법이론(4) : < 아는 것 - 배운 것 = 타고난 것 ? >

김승렬 안암어문학회 1981 어문논집 Vol.22 No.1

유라프리카(Eurafrica): 1950년대 유럽통합과 프랑스 식민제국의 자태 전환

김승렬 한국유럽학회 2007 유럽연구 Vol.25 No.2

In contrast to the Atlantic and European dimension of European integration, historians have neglected problems that were related with the colonies of European powers. Although the problems regarding colonies did not originally concern supranational integration, they always affected the unification process. Based on new documents and recent research, this paper shows a new perspective on this issue. The serious debates on this problem in France began in the autumn of 1952. There were intensive and keen debates between two poles: the old-fashioned imperialistic logic which wanted to hold the world power status by retaining the colonial system, and the liberal imperialistic which wanted to hold French influence on its oversee territories by their liberalization and economic development. The French government could not take any position on supranational European integration. This issue finally played a decisive role in France's rejection of the EDC/EPC and the Beyen-plan in 1954. This happened not because the former logic prevailed, but because these serious inner debates continued unsolved. National liberation movements of French colonial territories around the middle of 1950s and the setting-up of the integrationist government of Guy Mollet in the early year of 1956 led to change the power relation between two poles. The latter began to influence the French public discourse much more over time than the former. The Mollet government paved the way for finding a solution of the French colonial problems with the help of the EEC. “Eurafrica”, a community between European integration and the French colonial territories, was designed and adopted for the purpose that France could lead European integration, holding the influence on its oversee territories in the postcolonial period. The victory of the protagonists of “Eurafrica” did much for the successful negotiations of the EEC. 유럽통합과 식민지의 관계 문제는 유럽통합사 연구에서 상대적으로 덜 연구된 부분이다. 필자는 사료 조사와 함께 최근의 연구 성과를 비판적으로 검토하면서 새로운 시각을 제시했다. 프랑스에서 이 문제에 대한 논쟁은 1952년 가을부터 시작되었다. 강대국 위상을 식민제국의 공고화에서 찾는 식민주의적 논리와 식민지의 자유화 및 경제개발을 통해 과거의 영향력을 확보하려는 자유주의적 제국의 논리가 팽팽하게 맞서 있었다. 식민지 문제가 1953~54년 유럽방위공동체, 유럽정치공동체, 유럽관세동맹을 무산시킨 주요 원인이지만, 이것은 전자의 논리가 압도적이었기 때문이 아니라 양자의 극렬한 대립이 해결되지 않고 지속되었기 때문이다. 1956년 전후 시기 전개된 프랑스 식민지 해방운동과 친유럽적 몰레(G. Mollet) 정부의 등장으로 양자의 역학관계에 큰 변화를 가져왔다. 후자의 영향력이 확대되었고, 몰레 정부는 식민지 문제를 유럽경제공동체의 틀을 통해 해결할 수 있는 길을 마련했다. “유라프리카”는 탈식민지 시대에 프랑스가 기왕의 지배력을 최대한 유지하면서 동시에 유럽통합을 주도하려는 탈식민주의적 유럽통합 정책이다. 또한 ‘유라프리카’ 지지자들의 승리는 유럽경제공동체 성립에 ‘결정적으로’ 기여한 요인 중 하나이다.

숙적관계에서 협력관계로 : 독일-프랑스 역사교과서 협의 The Franco-German History Textbook Work

김승렬 부산경남사학회 2003 역사와 경계 Vol.49 No.-

Discussing the Franco-German history textbook work, this study tries to find lessons for the present problems regarding the Japanese history textbook and the Chinese research on the history of Koguryo. The first Franco-German conferences for the history textbook improvement began in 1935, resulting in writing recommendations. But this could not bring fruits because of WWⅡ. After WWⅡ, from 1950 to the present, dozens of Franco-German textbook conferences were held and several recommendations came out of them. These are considered to have influenced, in a positive way, on the history textbook writings of the two countries. At the end of the present research, the researcher would say that Franco-German history textbook work, despite some problems it seems to contain, can be considered to be successful. In which sense was it a successful work? Firstly, it contributed to the rectification of historical interpretation based on nationalistic bias, which was called in question in "1935 recommendations" as well as in "1951 recommendations". Secondly, it contributed not only to the rectification of what was wrong in textbooks but also - and this is more important - made it possible to incorporate into textbooks historical interpretation from the other's point of view which came in this way nearer to the historical truth. So it contributed not only to the reconciliation of the two countries but also to their mutual understanding. What made this success possible? Besides the European integration as political situation, two points can be mentioned. Firstly, there were some forerunners who were aware that the history education based on nationalistic bias was one of the sources of the mutual hostility between the two countries and who made efforts to correct it. The role they played was important. Secondly, the principle of voluntary participation was observed throughout the whole works and this is also a point to be noted.

언어습득과 생성문법이론(1)

김승렬 서울대학교 국어교육과 1976 先淸語文 Vol.7 No.1

유럽통합 초기(1945-1957)에 있어서 '기능주의(functionalism)'에 대한 논쟁

김승렬 한국EU학회 2000 EU학연구 Vol.5 No.1

This article tackles the problems with the methods of European integration in its formative period (1945-1957) , focusing toward functionalism or the functional approach, which the European Coal and Steel Community was based on. The author pays attention to two points. Firstly, there was no agreement among politicians about the meaning of functionalism in the early years of European integration. Britain understood functionalism in the context of their traditional approach to the international cooperation, namely a sort of commitment to European affairs without transferring sovereignty to a supranational international organization. The French socialists, whose leader was Guy Mollet, took the functional approach for "establishment of such institutions as always open to all the countries of the Council of Europe, each one having at its top a supranational authority under control of a European Parliament within the framework of the Council of Europe". To the French government, whose foreign minister was Robert Schuman, the functional approach meant setting up sectoral supranational institutions, which would be open to all the member states of the Council of Europe in the long run, but in the meanwhile would be built out of the framework of the Council of Europe. This concept led to the formation of the 'Six-countries' European community, namely the ECSC. The second point concerns the 'neo-functionalism' of Ernst Haas. According to Haas, the nation-state is ultimately shaped as an organization by the functions which it exists to fulfill. The fulfillment of these functions in the 1950s and 1960s increasingly required action in an international context. He predicted that several functional European communities might lead to a European political community (the United States of Europe), owing to the 'spill over effect'. However, up to now, his prediction has not been realized, because sectoral institutions have brought about only economic integration in its nature. Alan S. Milward criticizes Haas' thesis, He argues that Haas' explanation implicated that governance by the nation-state was a thing of the past and governance by the supranation the image of the future. This implication did however take up the tone of political discourse on European integration and set up erroneous assumptions: Firstly, Haas' theory depended on a deep belief in the rationality of mankind, or at least the more educated part of it, which proved false by historical studies. Secondly, it had the assumption that integration is in some way a higher state of political organization to which humankind is carried to on the ultimately irresistible tide of historical progress. According to Milward, integration was not the supersession of the nation-state by another form of governance as the nation-state became incapable, but was the creation of the European nation-states themselves for their own purpose. an act of national will. Historical analysis shows us that the nation-state pursued integration as one way of formalizing, regulating and perhaps limiting the consequences of interdependence, without forfeiting the national allegiance on which its continued existence depends. Through the European integration the European nation-states became strong, because, with close cooperation with other nation-states in the framework of European integration, they could strengthen their functions, which could not be fulfilled on their own abilities, The task of the study on European integration is to reconcile two dominant aspects of European history in the last half-century, one being the reassertion of the nation-state as the fundamental organizational unit of political, economic and social existence, and the other, the surrender of some of its powers to the European Community.

터널표준시방서의 주요내용소개와 발전전망

김승렬 한국지반공학회 2001 지반 : 한국지반공학회지 Vol.17 No.3

역타공법(Top-Down)에 의한 지하철 정거장 건설

김승렬,고영근,고형배,양희흥 대한토목학회 1995 대한토목학회 학술발표회 논문집 Vol.1995 No.3

장 모네(Jean Monnet)의 유럽통합론: 1950년대 전반기 유럽통합과 영국 문제

김승렬 한국서양사연구회 2008 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.38

This article analyzes the role of Jean Monnet in European integration in the first half of the 1950s. His first achievement was the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the first supranational European Community. It originated in France. Since 1947 West Germany began to recover rapidly owing to the American strategy of the Cold War. In order to control West Germany in terms of security and economic policy and to win a hegemonical position in the European economy in competition with West Germany, Jean Monnet also took the interest of West Germany (regaining its sovereignty as soon as possible) and that of the U.S. (strengthening West Europe through reconstruction of West German economy) into consideration. He worked out the Schuman plan to integrate European coal and steel industries, which would lead to the ECSC in 1952. For these complex national interests France had to transfer some parts of its sovereignty to a supranational community, just like other member states. Therefore, the Schuman plan is to be characterized as “self-affirmation through self-negation”. The ECSC resulted from binding together different European national interests and resolving various dimensional problems after the Second Word War. So the triple Alliance of the U.S., France and West Germany ("Washington-Paris-Bonn axis") was brought into being. Jean Monnet played the greatest role in forming this base. His function could be characterized as "transactional leadership" and "transforming leadership". He earned the honorable title, "the first statesman of interdependence" between the U.S. and the European continental states. This was a strong base upon which European supranational integration could be initiated and developed in the 1950s. The most distinct quality of Monnet's Europe was its supranational construction. In order to retain the supranationality of European integration Monnet fought against Great Britain. The Schuman plan meant renouncing European integration with Great Britain which had pursued intergovernmental cooperation between national states in the frame of the Council of Europe. The secret of the Schuman plan was that French politicians made more of the U.S. than the U.K. Monnet's efforts to retaining the supranationality continued in all the stages of European integration (the Eden plan, the European Defence Community, the European Political Community and the European Economic Community) in the 1950s. Monnet was confronted with strong resistance from pro-British people, especially the French socialists (SFIO) and its leader Guy Mollet. Monnet finally overcame all these obstacles, succeeding in retaining the supranationality.

의ㆍ양ㆍ동 통합의 기대 효과에 대한 소고

김승렬 경인행정학회 2018 경인행정학회 학술대회 Vol.2018 No.02

미국에서 보내는 단상

김승렬 역사비평사 2009 역사비평 Vol.- No.86