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김명숙 ( Myoung Sook Kim ) 한국비교문학회 2012 比較文學 Vol.56 No.-
Literature crisis is not limited to one nation but a worldwide phenomenon. This article analyzes french discourses and korean`s focusing on actual literary situation. French critics owe current problem to education reform and decline of “sacred monsters, monstres sacres”. From 1980`s, systematic standardization by french government in higher education institution has caused level downward of nation. Moreover, great artists who sacrifice their lives to art, so-called “sacred monsters” in 19, 20th century has disappeared. Besides, few big publishers which monopolize literary market compete into publishing best sellers which wouldn`t be so often great pieces. In Korea, first of all, literary situation is aggravating mostly because of digital culture which prevails in every domain. People are addicted easily to digital appendice rather than to books representing analogue culture. Under the circumstances, it is not strange that readers like to read “easy” books instead of difficult ones which are needed to think and reflect. Thinking and criticizing culture is replaced by “fast” culture, in other words, digital and “click” one. Secondly, it is gone that letters have power by themselves, Literary works are not any more created exclusively by few number of authors but by anybody, It makes inevitably hard in distinction between great works and disqualifying books, this article propose three directions in order to restore the power of literature. At first, publishers have to make an effort to give chances to different and unique voices which are independent to public taste. Secondly, critics must give right guidelines to readers. They must not be satisfied to actual abundant books but show their decisive choice by throwing away trash. Finally, readers have to stand by good authors even if their works are not attractive. These efforts could make potential sacred monsters great authors and give a hope to today`s literary situation.
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김명숙(Myoung Sook Kim) 한국복식학회 1983 服飾 Vol.7 No.-
Myung Bok originated in China was introduced into Korea in ancient times. Some evidences show that it had settlled down as our own official robe already under Koryon Dynasty. And Koryo made her own regulations on Myun Bok. Kook Cho O Rye Eui(國朝五禮儀) of Chosun Dynasty has comparatively detailes explanations on the way of cutting and shapes and materials. And the regulations are modeled after those of Ming China. But is has been impossible to know whether the regulations of Kook Cho O Rye Eui were strictly kept or not, because we have not enough remains through which to see it. And then we got very useful materials, Eui kue(儀軌), which are well known but have not been used in studying the history of costumes. Every Kook Chang Do Gam Eui Gue(國葬都監儀軌) have the provision of the so-called Pok Wan(服玩) set which includes the imitations or the full set of Myun Bok. And the provisions show us the illustrations colored in detail which help us understand the real shapes and the transformations of Myun Bok. After surveying the Pok wan provisions, author arrived at conclusions as follow; 1) Myun Boks are not always made in the same shape and colors. 2) The Provisions of Kook Cho O Rye Eui were not always kept strictly due to the lack of detailed directions.
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결혼피로연 음식에 대한 충북지역 주민의 인식 및 만족도
김명숙(Myoung Sook Kim),김기남(Ki Nam Kim) 충북대학교 생활과학연구소 2007 생활과학연구논총 Vol.11 No.1
The purpose of this study was to investigate the perception and satisfaction of wedding reception foods among 320 residents in Cheongju and Chungju cities of Chungbuk Province, who have participated in wedding receptions and who had experiences in eating wedding reception foods. As for wedding reception food, 55.0% of the respondents said that the kinds of food were adequate, which showed general satisfaction. Sixty five point three percent replied that there were some differences in food items at every wedding reception. The different items were "food taste"(61.8%), "food hygiene"(11.4%) and "food freshness"(11.4%) in order. The reasons why they left food at wedding receptions were "no taste"(35.8%), "less freshness"(23.3%) and "too much food"(21.7%) in order. Fifty three point seven percent showed a preference on buffet. Among them 53.7% said that the reason why they like buffet was "not to leave food". In relation to satisfaction on wedding reception foods, seasonal menu and workers" kindness were the lowest. The items to be improved which the satisfaction degree was low but the importance degree was high were food hygiene, food freshness and tableware cleanliness in order. In conclusion, the strict inspection of hygiene for the wedding reception food and kindness education for employees should be required to improve customer"s satisfaction.
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서구 페미니즘 문화의 버자이너 상징에 대한 연구 ─ 이리가레의 성적 차이 이론의 관점에서
김명숙(Kim, Myoung-sook) 한국여성연구소 2022 페미니즘 연구 Vol.22 No.2
이 글은 버자이너를 전면에 등장시켜 서구 페미니즘 문화사에 족적을 남긴 작품들을 이리가레의 이론으로 분석해 버자이너 상징의 함의들을 추출한다. 분석대상은 이브 엔슬러의 『버자이너 모놀로그』와 주디 시카고의 〈디너 파티〉, 나오미 울프의 『버자이너: 새로운 전기』다. 이 작품들과 이리가레의 이론은 서로 간의 차이에도 불구하고 성적 차이에 기반한 페미니즘이라는 점에서 상호 수렴된다. 세 작품 속 버자이너 상징들과 이리가레의 이론이 교차하는 지점들에서 이끌어낸 버자이너 상징의 함의들은 다섯 가지다. 즉 여성의 섹슈얼리티와 욕망, 여성의 정체성과 주체성, 여성의 계보와 유대, 여성의 신성 그리고 성차화된 권리다. 첫째, 버자이너 상징은 억압되고 소외돼온 여성의 섹슈얼리티와 성적 욕망을 의미한다. 둘째, 버자이너 상징은 여성의 정체성과 주체성을 의미한다. 버자이너는 여성 몸의 일부인 생식기에 그치는 게 아니라 여성 그 자체를 환기하는 은유이자 상징이다. 셋째, 버자이너 상징은 여성의 계보와 유대를 의미한다. 넷째, 버자이너 상징은 여성의 신성을 의미한다. 여성의 신성은 여성이 주체성을 획득하고 여성들 간의 유대를 형성하는 데 필수적인 조건이다. 다섯째, 버자이너 상징은 성차화된 권리를 의미한다. 성적 차이와 그를 보장하는 윤리는 성차화된 권리와 시민적 토대 없이 실현될 수 없다. 버자이너 상징에 대해서 본질주의적이고 보편주의적이라는 비판이 있다. 이와 관련해 최근 관심이 높아지고 있는 신유물론과의 대화가 필요하다. This article analyzes 3 works that have had a significant impact on western feminist culture by bringing the vagina to the fore, using Irigaray’s theory. In this way, the implications of the vagina symbols are extracted. The 3 works analyzed are Eve Ensler’s The Vagina Monologues, Judy Chicago’s <The Dinner Party>, and Naomi Wolf’s Vagina: A New Biography. Despite their differences, these works and Irigaray’s theories converge with each other in that their feminisms are based on sexual difference. This paper suggests five implications of the vagina symbols derived from communications at the points where these vagina symbols and Irigaray’s theories intersect. That is, female sexuality and desire, female identity and subjectivity, female genealogy and bonds, female divinity and sexuate rights. First, the symbol of the vagina means the sexuality and sexual desire of women which has been oppressed and marginalized. Second, it signifies the identity and subjectivity of women. Vagina does not just refer to the genitals that are part of a female body, but is a metaphor and symbol that evokes the woman herself. Third, the symbol of the vagina signifies the genealogy and ties of women. Fourth, it signifies the divinity of women. The divinity of women is an essential horizon for women to acquire subjectivities and form bonds between women. Fifth, the vagina symbol represents sexuate rights. Sexual difference and the ethics that guarantees it cannot be realized without sexuate rights and civic foundations. There are criticisms of the vagina symbol for being essentialist and universalistic. In this regard, it is necessary to pay attention to new materialism, which has recently been attracting attention.
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김명숙(Myoung Sook Kim) 한국복식학회 1997 服飾 Vol.31 No.-
Kon-myun was worn by the ancient Chinese and Korean rulers as ceremonial dress during special rituals, such as worshipping heaven and ancestors, marriage, or funerals. Kon-myun consists of two major parts-Myun(the royal headpiece)and Kon-bok(the main bodypiece) - as well as other articles of clothing(skirt, footgear, etc.). There were regulations set in ancient books describing in detail the make of the Kon-myun, number of ryu(旒)and symbol(章文) to be used, all which applied to each ruler depending on rank and status. This study is aimed at examining the consistency of the Korean and Chinese in following the regulations as seen in relics which have been recovered from the past. Based on historical findings, it seems that Korean Kon-myun came to Korean from China during the Three Kingdoms peirod(about the 6th century). It was also worn in the Koryo (936∼1392), and Chosun(1392∼1896) Dynasties and the Taehan Empire(1896∼1910). In studying Konmyun in Korea, the researcher studied a book from the early Chosun Dynasty, Kukjo-oryeuiseorye(國朝五禮儀序例 圖說), and a book from the late Chosun Dynasty, Kukjosangrye-bopyun(國朝喪禮桶編 圖說), to find the guidelines and rules applying to the Kon-myun tradition. Slight differences were found across time in the supplementary articles of clothing, as seen in Uigwe Pokwan-doseols(儀軌 服元圖說), explanations and drawings of Kon-myun. The researcher used uigwes of funerals of kings(國葬都監儀軌) of the Chosun Dynasty and observed change over this period of time. However there was a clear consistency: the king`s Kon-myun consisted of 9ryu-myun 9chang-bok(9族冕9章服) while that of the price consisted of 8ryu-myun 7chang-bok(8族冕7章服). For the Taehan Empire, the researcher used Tae-han Yae-jun(大韓禮典) which shows the emperor`s Kon-myun to have consisted of 12ryu-myun 12chang-bok(12族冕12章服). To study how the regulations were put into practice, relics were uncovered from the periods being studied. A portrait of King Ik-jong(翼宗), remnants from King Ko-jong`s(高宗)Kon-bok, and a photograph of Emperor Sun-jong(純宗), all were in close adherence to the regulations outlined in the books. In China, Kon-myun was worn by emperors from the Han(漢) to the Ching(淸) Dynasties. the researcher investigated Kon-myun especially in the Ming(明) Dynasty. The Kon-myun regulations, as read in Tai-ming-hui-chan(大明會典), changed through all four periods. To study the faithfulness of practice to law Ding-ling(定陵), the tomb of Emperor Shin-jong(神宗) who ruled during a period of the Ming Dynasty, was unearthed and the remains of the Emperor`s Kon-myun were analyzed. The Kon-myun consisted of 12ryu-myun 18 chang-bok(12族冕18章服), and there were other differences in color, symbols, and wearing method when compared to the regulations. It can be condulded that the Chinese Kon-myun tradition was not in strict adherence to the regualtions established by law books. This is in contrast to the Korean Kon-myun tradition which showed little deviation. Further study is needed to understand why there was this difference in tradition and ritual.
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