新羅 관련 唐 金石文의 기초적 검토

권덕영(Kwon Deok-Young) 한국사연구회 2008 한국사연구 Vol.142 No.-

The Tang epigraph recorded on metal or stone about Silla of Korea can be basically grouped into the two types. First, it is a record of Silla residents in Tang region, in other words, a trace of their long stay in the foreign country such as the case of inscription on a stone monument. Second, it is a record of Tang people's visit to Silla. As this travel was not usual in those days, the visitors of China wanted to tell their posterity about this experience through epitaph. A total of 39 the Tang epigraph related to Silla have been found so far. They comprise epitaph, monument and stone inscription and a majority of the inscription on a stone monument is epitaph. As for inscription on a stone monuments recording those Silla residents in Tang region, five epitaphs, eight monuments and two stone inscriptions were discovered. Meanwhile, eighteen epitaphs and six monuments are about Tang people visiting Silla. It is noteworthy that half of the monuments are located in Korea. These records well prove Silla people's life in Tang region, the Silla-Tang war in the mid-seventh century and Tang delegates' visit to Silla.

금관가야 "구형왕릉(仇衡王陵)" 전승과 역사화 과정

권덕영 ( Deok Young Kwon ) 대구사학회 2007 대구사학 Vol.86 No.-

The stonework believed to be Guhyeong royal tomb(仇衡王陵) has been in the process of being placed in history. Located on Wangsan mountain Hwagye-ri Geumseo-myeon Sancheong-gun Gyeongnam Province, the stonework was first called just a Buddhist tower and then started to be perceived as a royal tomb. But it was not until Wangsansamokhamgi(王山寺木函記), a historic document, was found that the stonework began to be thought as Guhyeong royal tomb. The document found in the late 18th century describes the stonework as a royal tomb for Guhyeong, the last king of Geumgwan Gaya(金官加耶). The Kimhae Kim family(金海 金氏), King Guhyeong`s descendants, tried to define the stonework as Guhyeong royal tomb by preserving the tomb site and building a shrine. Along the way, a series of lawsuits over the tomb`s ownership were filed, putting the stonework on the map. As a result the stonework began to be widely recognized as Guhyeong royal tomb. After the public recognition of the stonework as Guhyeong royal tomb, the effort to shed light on the royal tomb by the Kimhae Kim family began in earnest. The effort was made by establishing shrines and monuments and sprucing up the royal tomb, making the tomb site a sanctuary. The Kimhae Kim clan also tried to rewrite the history of King Guhyeong by justifying the king`s surrender to Silla. The Kimhae Kim family`s effort bore fruit when the stonework was designated as a national historic site and granted the name of Jeon-Guhyeong royal tomb(傳仇衡王陵 ; the Korean word Jeon means ``reputedly`` in English). Despite this achievement, the Kimhae Kim clan did not stop there and has been trying to turn the name from Jeon-Guhyeong royal tomb into Guhyeong royal tomb. When the King`s descendants succeed in changing the name, the process of Guhyeong royal tomb`s finding its right place in history is to be completed, and it is to become a real part of history.

신라 ‘君子國’ 이미지의 형성

권덕영(Kwon Deok-young) 한국사연구회 2011 한국사연구 Vol.153 No.-

Ancient Chinese people believed in the existence of the Noble Man Country(君子國) in the East. A number of literatures, including Sanhaegyeong(山海經, ancient Chinese geography book) and Noneo(論語, the Discourses of Confucius) mentioned the Noble Man Country, However, until the Han(漢) Dynasty, it was nothing more than a land of imagination. Following the accumulation of information on neighboring countries. the concrete shape and nature of the Noble Man Country was formed. And in mid-8th century, Silla was pointed out as the Noble Man Country, T’ang and Silla maintained friendly relations. Also, a number of Silla students and Buddhist monks studied in T’ang which resulted in the sinicizing of Silla’s culture. Such factors led Tang to declare Silla as the Noble Man Country. Above all, King Seongdeok’s(聖德王) active diplomacy toward T’ang was the direct cause of T’ang’s declaration. Silla’s image as the Noble Man Country persisted until the collapse of T’ang, and this is evidenced by Tang’s envoys to Silla. People of Silla also recognized their nation as the Noble Man Country and were proud of it. Meanwhile, in late-11th century, Goryeo(高麗) called itself ”Little China(小中華)”, as it judged that its decorum, music, and culture were rich enough to rival with China, Such perception continued until Choseon Dynasty, The foundation of such perception, which was shared by the intellectuals of Goryeo and Choseon, was the pride as the Noble Man Country which was formed during Tang Dynasty, Therefore, we can evaluate that Silla’s pride as the Noble Man Country developed into Goryeo’s perception as the ”Little China”, and lasted until the second half of Choseon Dynasty.

한국고대사 기초자료 정리와 편찬 현황

權悳永(Kwon Deok Young) 한국문화사학회 2007 文化史學 Vol.0 No.27

9世紀 日本을 往來한 二重國籍 新羅人

권덕영(Kwon Deuk-Young) 한국사연구회 2003 한국사연구 Vol.120 No.-

Of the peoples engaging in maritime trade with Japan in ninth century, some persons had Silla and T'ang nationality together. For instance Lee-sojung(李少貞), Kim-jin(金珍), Kim-jabag(金子白), Wang-cho(王超), Heum-ranghui(欽良暉) and Kim-munseup(金文習) were the persons of dual nationality. They had come from Silla but settled in the area of T'ang China. So-called they were Silla residents in Tang region(在唐新羅人). Since eighth century AD, many Silla peoples have emigrated to China continuously and constituted Silla town (新羅坊) or Silla village (新羅村) on the coast of the Yellow Sea. Among Silla residents in T'ang region, some of them were naturalized in T'ang. Above mentioned Lee-sojung and such like peoples were naturalized denizen in T'ang. So to speak, they were Silla-T'ang citizen (Korean-Chinese), Therefore we can tell them as Silla people or T'ang citizen, In this cause, they had been recorded as men of dual nationality in various Japan documents compiled in ninth century. By the way, the ruling class of Japan described them as T'ang people only. If we look into historical documents related with them, we can become aware of this fact. Among the documents compiled by Japanese at ninth century, in those of private they were recorded as Silla people, to the contrary, in government official documents Tang people. The fact reflects view-point of Japan ruling class toward Silla at that time. Although it is ideal and unreal, the aristocratic class of Japan regarded Silla as a tributary state before ninth century. But according to the change of East Asia situation in ninth century, view-point of Silla as tributary state was weakened and degenerated into hostility or rivalry consciousness. The ruling class of Japan showed their hostility and rivalry toward Silla through manifold ways. It was one of these that they described activities of Silla people as those of T'ang in order to ignore Silla's roles in Japanese economic and cultural advance. But the common run of people did not. It is the reason that Silla Maritime Traders with Japan at ninth century were recorded as persons of Dual Nationality.

唐 武宗의 廢佛과 新羅 求法僧의 動向

權悳永(Kwon Deuk-young) 한국학중앙연구원 1994 한국학 Vol.17 No.1

金仁問 小傳

權悳永(Kwon Duk Young) 한국문화사학회 2004 文化史學 Vol.0 No.21

唐 墓誌의 고대 한반도 삼국 명칭에 대한 검토

권덕영(Kwon Deok-young) 한국고대사학회 2014 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.75

삼국 관련 당나라 묘지는 크게 두 종류로 나눌 수 있다. 하나는 고구려?백제 유민과 재당신라인 곧 재당 한인 묘지이고, 다른 하나는 삼국과 접촉한 당나라 사람의 묘지이다. 지금까지 발견된 재당 한인 묘지는 31점에 불과하나, 재당 한인들의 활동과 행적을 알려주는 귀중한 자료이다. 삼국과 접촉한 당인 묘지는 주로 수?당대 삼국 침략에 참전했거나 사절로서 삼국에 다녀간 사실을 기록한 중국인들 것으로, 수?당대 고구려 출병에 관한 내용을 담고 있는 자료가 가장 많다. 삼국 관련 당나라 묘지에는 삼국을 다양한 용어로 표기하였다. 그것들은 특정 지명, 종족명, 행정명칭의 세 가지 형태로 해당국의 이름을 대신하였다. 당대 중국인들은 고구려를 가장 다양한 명칭으로 표기하였는데, 고구려의 정식 국호 대신에 대부분 다른 사물에 빗대어 고구려를 지칭하였다. 모든 국호는 나름의 고유한 의미와 가치를 가지고 있다. 그럼에도 당대 중국인들이 고구려를 고구려라 부르지 않은 것은 오랫동안 이어온 두 지역간의 투쟁, 특히 엄청난 피해를 입은 수?당대 고구려와의 전쟁과 갈등 속에서 쌓인 仇怨意識이랄까 증오심의 발로가 아닐까 한다. 뿐만 아니라 당대 묘지는 당시 중국인들이 고구려에 대한 緣故意識을 가지고 있었음을 보여준다. 당대 묘지에서는 고구려, 백제, 신라를 모두 삼한이라 일컬었다. 그중에서도 대부분의 경우 고구려를 삼한이라 칭하였다. 이는 당대에 이미 삼한삼국론이 일반화되었음을 의미한다. 그러면서도 한반도 삼국에 대하여 진한과 마한을 혼용하였다. 통계 자료로서는 다소 불완전하나 현전하는 당대 묘지 자료를 종합해보면, 당나라 사람들은 680년대 이전까지 고구려를 진한이라 하다가 그 이후에는 백제와 신라를 진한이라 칭하였고 대신 고구려를 마한이라 하였다. We can classify epitaphs related Three Kingdom of T’ang period into two types. One is epitaph of Gogurye(고구려) and Baekje(백제) displaced persons and Silla(신라) residents in T’ang region, the other is epitaph of T’ang people, which came in contact with Three Kingdom. Although Three Kingdom people’s epitaphs have been founded only 31 so far, these materials are valuable to indicate what they had done. On the other hand, T’ang people’s epitaphs contain the information of exchange relationship between Korea and China in ancient period, such as sending troops to Gogurye, visiting Three kingdom as an delegate and so on. All country’s name has it’s own inherent meaning and value. Nevertheless, epitaphs of T’ang inscribed Gogurye into other figurative names instead of formal name. The reason of not using formal name is consciousness of hatred and aggression had been formed during the long-term war between the two regions. And because of T’ang people’s relativeness consciousness, that Gogurye land has been originally a Chinese land. deep rooted hatred In epitaphs of T’ang period, Gogurye, Baekje and Silla were referred to as Three Han(삼한). In most cases, especially, they wrote Gogurye to Three Han. It means that consciousness of “Three Han is Three Kingdom” was widely spread to the T’ang people at that time. This consciousness lasted for hundreds of years in East Asia, including Korea.

고대 동아시아의 황해와 황해무역

권덕영(Kwon Deok-Young) 한국사학회 2008 史學硏究 Vol.- No.89

중국대륙과 한반도로 둘러싸인 황해는 독특한 자연조건과 인문환경이 교묘하게 결합되어 고대 동아시아의 정치ㆍ경제ㆍ문화교류의 열린 공간으로 활용되었다. 특히 8, 9세기 동아시아 사회의 변모 과정에서 황해상에는 다양한 형태의 교역과 교류가 집약적으로 나타났다. 공무역은 물론 사무역과 불법적인 약탈무역 등이 상호 밀접한 관계를 유지하면서 황해를 무대로 전개되었다. 이러한 황해교역 과정에서 동아시아 삼국 사이에는 다양한 물품들이 유통되었다. 그 중에서도 전통적으로 조공과 회사라는 정치의례 과정에서 행해지던 方物과 비단 및 의장용구의 상호교환이라는 정형적인 틀에서 벋어나, 고가의 사치품과 ‘사람’이 중요한 교역품으로 거래되었다는 점이 주목된다. 이렇듯 다양하게 전개된 황해교역은 견당사, 재당 신라상인, 해적과 해상호족들에 의하여 주도되었다. 8, 9세기의 황해교역은 신라사회에 몇 가지 변화를 초래하였다. 우선 골품제를 동요시키는 사회, 경제적 요인을 제공하였다. 그리고 황해교역은 신라 지방세력의 등장과 발전을 촉진시켰다. 이러한 사회변화의 결과 신라는 해체의 길을 걷게 되었다. Yellow Sea surrounding China's mainland and the Korean peninsula played a role of an open mecca for exchanges, political, economical and cultural in ancient East Asia, as the sea was a mixture of unique natural and humanities conditions. In the 8th and the 9th century, in particular, this area was a focal point for diverse trades where not only public and private trades but illegal plunder unfolded interdependently. A variety of items were distributed through these booming trade activities. It is noteworthy that luxurious products and 'people' surfaced as important items. This is unusual trading, compared with conventional exchanges of notions, silk and outfit appliances which were carried out as political courtesy, i.e. giving tributes and receiving pieces. The major traders were the Silla delegates who were dispatched to and Silla residents in T'ang(唐) region, the pirates and Gentry Families(豪族) who gained power through these maritime trades in Yellow Sea. This maritime business brought about several changes in Silla dynasty. More than anything else, the bone-rank(Golpum) system(骨品制度) weakened socially and economically and local powers emerged and grew.

신라사의 전개와 來住人(immigrants)

권덕영(Kwon, Deok-young) 신라사학회 2020 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.50

인류의 역사는 인간 이동의 역사였다. 인간은 보다 나은 삶을 추구하기 위해 끊임없이 이동하였다. 그런데 인간의 이동은 늘 역사의 변혁과 발전을 가져왔다. 게르만 민족의 이동과 서양 고대사회의 몰락, 근대 유럽인의 아메리카 대륙으로의 이주, 중국 북방 유목민족의 주기적인 중원 진출과 征服王朝의 출현 등이 그러한 사실을 말해준다. 한국고대사회에서도 외부 세계와의 주민 이동이 활발하였다. 그럼에도 우리는 지금까지 이러한 문제에 큰 관심을 두지 않았다. 특히 외부에서 유입되는 이동, 곧 來住(immigration)의 관점에서 우리 역사를 조망하려는 노력이 부족했다. 본고에서는 그러한 문제의식을 가지고 移動의 개념을 구체적으로 정리한 후, 외부인의 신라 내주와 관련한 자료를 정리하여 來住人들의 역사적 의미를 찾으려 시도하였다. 동서양의 역사에서 볼 수 있듯이, 대규모의 주민 이동은 사회변혁의 단초가 되는 경우가 많았다. 신라의 역사가 고조선 유민의 신라 내주로부터 시작되었듯이, 신라사에서도 주민 이동과 사회변혁의 상관성이 어느 정도 입증된다. 그리고 파상적으로 이어진 외부인의 신라 내주는 노동력 확충과 군사력 증강, 불교 수용과 예악의 발달, 그리고 새로운 의술의 도입을 통해 국가 발전과 사회 안정에 기여하였다. The history of mankind was the history of human migration. Humans have moved constantly in pursuit of a better life. However, the transformation and develo pment o f history a lways involved t he m o vement of residents. The movement of the Germanic people and the fall of Western ancient society, the periodic invasion of the northern nomadic people into Chinese central plains and the emergence of the conquest dynasty, etc. tell such facts. The Korean ancient society also actively moved its residents to the outside world. Nevertheless, we have so far not paid much attention to these issues. In particular, there was a lack of efforts to look at our history from the perspective of “immigration,” which is the movement flowing in from the outside. From that point of view, I attempted to find the influence and meaning of Silla history by those who moved to Silla from outside. As can be seen in the history of the East and the West, large-scale migration of residents has often been the cornerstone of social transformation. Just as the history of Silla began with the immigration of the people of Gojoseon(고조선) to Silla, Silla history also proves to some extent the correlation between the movement of residents and social transformation. In addition, the continued immigration of outsiders to Silla contributed to national development through the expansion of labor, military buildup, the acceptance of Buddhism and the development of etiquette, and the introduction of new medical techniques.