1255~1256년 槽島ㆍ牙州海島 대상지 비정과 海戰의 影響

강재광(Kang, Jae-gwang) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2014 군사 Vol.- No.93

Mongolian Forces invaded the important Strategic Islands(戰略海島) of Goryo dynasty between the year of 1255 and 1256. On December of 1255, Mongol Army ambushed Jodo(槽島), but they were repelled by Byulchogun (別抄軍) which was formed by the peoples summoned in their own provinces and Ibbomin(入保民). Jodo had been considered that it was not Jido(智島) in Jeollado(全羅道) but Chodo(椒島) in Seohaedo(西海島). The victory of Jodo battle prevented it"s isolation from Strategical Islands located in Bukgye(北界). Also, desperate fighting of Jodo Ibbomin forced Mongol Army to abandon it"s invasion on Kangdo(江都). On April of 1256, in the Aju island(牙州海島), a battle broke out. Chungjudosoonmunsa(忠州道巡問使) Hanchui(韓就) destroyed Mongol soldiers who were stationed in Aju(牙州). The Island that Hanchui stayed at first, took over the land of Ibhwado(Ippado) which was located in the entry way of Asan bay(牙山灣). At that time, the Island that Hanchui occupied, was estimated as Seonjangdo(仙藏島) which was nearby Aju coast. The results of Aju island battle, Goryo dynasty secured maritime transportation systems and a sea lane of Chungcheong province. Such successes of naval battles in 1255~1256 had an effect on diplomatic war between Mongol Emperor Heonjong(憲宗) and Goryo envoy, Kim Sugang(金守剛). After naval battles with Mongol Army, Mongol Emperor Heonjong accepted the Goryo"s suggestion of peace negotiations. The hardcore content of peace negotiations between Mongol Empire and Goryo dynasty, was integrated into withdrawal of Mongol Army and returning to the capital, Gaegyung(開京) of Kangdo Court(江都朝廷). Through temporary peace negotiations with Mongol Empire in 1256, Kangdo Court could maintain resistant tactics against Mongol.

고려 대몽항쟁기 도환인(逃還人)의 유형과 강도조정(江都朝廷)의 도환인 활용

강재광(Kang Jae-gwang) 한국역사연구회 2012 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.83

Goryeo escapees’, in the period of the war against the Mongols(1231~1259), refers to the Goryeo people who came back to the Ganghwa Island government(江都朝廷) from their Mongol detention(or stay), alive. Upon their return, in some cases they were wilfully used by the Military leaders in charge of the government in both political and military terms, yet in some other cases, they were deemed as important sources of information on the Mongol Court and the Mongol army, and they also caused some serious diplomatic incidents between Goryeo and the Mongol Empire. There were several types of escapees who came back from the Mongol Empire alive. First, a person named Song Ib-jang(宋立章), who was part of a Goryeo envoy to Mongol, came back to the Ganghwa Island from the Liaodung province(遼東). He made a detailed report to the Goryeo government on Mongol General Sartai(撒禮塔)’s preparation for another proposed invasion. It is not clear whether such invasion was really considered or not, yet nevertheless his report was startling enough to prompt Choe Wu(崔瑀), the successor of the Choe-house Military Rule of Goryeo at the time, to relocate the entire capital of Gaegyeong city to the Ganghwa island. Second, many POWs(prisoners of war) successfully fled from the Mongol army camps and returned to Goryeo. After their return, they were organized into a military unit called Shineui-gun(神義軍), established by the decision of the government ruled under Choe Hang’s authority(崔沆政權), in the 42th year of King Gojong(高宗)’s reign. Shineui-gun, together with Ya-byeolcho(夜別抄: Night Patrols)’s ‘Jwa’[-byeolcho](Left) and ‘U’[-byeolcho](Right) units, formed the Sam-Byeolcho(三別抄) Command. Commanders of Shineui-gun took active role in battles against the Mongols or took charge in diplomatic negotiations with the Mongol Emperor. Third, Goryeo traitors who cooperated or collaborated with the Mongols, returned to the Ganghwa Island after shifting sides once again. They were debriefed as sources of military secrets and movements of the Mongol army, and they were also utilized in either diplomatic or military-psychological strategies. Yun Chun(尹椿), Min Ching(閔?) and Han Hong-bo(韓洪甫) were the most visual cases. In charge of the government, Kim Jun(金俊) made good use of them by handing Min Ching and Han Hong-bo over to the Mongol Emperor, as a token of his good will and also his desire for a peace negotiation with the Mongols.

1250~1270년대(年代) 신의군(神義軍)의 대몽항전(對蒙抗戰)과 정치활동(政治活動)

강재광 ( Jae Gwang Kang ) 한국중세사학회 2007 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.23

文聖王代의 政局과 「昌林寺 無垢淨塔願記」 造成의 정치적 배경

姜在光(Kang Jae-Gwang) 한국고대사탐구학회 2011 한국고대사탐구 Vol.7 No.-

文聖王은 등극하자마자 王京의 모든 정치세력을 포용하여 화해ㆍ상생의 정치를 추구했지만 재위 11년(849)까지 親金明勢力, 張保皐勢力, 反金陽勢力으로부터 모두 4차례의 반란사건을 겪으면서 왕권에 심대한 위협을 받았다. 그러나 왕실 외척으로서 공신세력을 대표하였던 金陽과 上大等 金禮徵의 활약 덕분에 모든 반란을 평정할 수 있었다. 문성왕은 재위 전반부 말미에 憲貞系를 대표하는 金啓明을 侍中으로, 均貞系를 대표하는 金義正(金誼靖)을 上大等에 임명하여 武烈王系 김양과 더불어 상호견제를 통한 권력의 분립을 이룩함으로써 왕권을 크게 신장시켰다. 문성왕대 김양은 兵部令을 역임하며 北相(北宰相)으로 인식되었고, 훗날 憲安王으로 등극하는 문성왕의 숙부 김의정은 시중 金義琮(金義宗)과는 전혀 다른 인물이며 禮部令을 맡아 南相(南宰相)으로 인식되었다. 이 두 인물은 문성왕대 전체를 통하여 국왕을 지지ㆍ호위하던 양대 축이었으며, 시중 김계명은 문성왕대 후반부에 국왕의 신임을 배경으로 정치적 영향력을 늘려나갔다. 문성왕은 張保皐가 암살된 841년 11월 이래 오랜 세월에 걸쳐 청해진세력을 최종 진압하였던 재위 8년(846)에 이르러 「法光寺石塔記」를 새겨 祖父 金均貞의 淨土往生을 기원하는 한편 均貞系의 왕위계승을 정당화하였다. 한편 청해진 잔존 세력을 碧骨郡으로 이주시켰던 재위 13년(851)에는 唐나라로부터 佛經과 佛牙를 들여와 불교를 진흥시키는 한편 민심을 위무하고 왕실의 위엄을 드높이려 하였다. 이후 재위 17년(855)에 이르러 昌林寺에 「無垢淨塔願記」를 조성하여 왕권의 신성함과 우월함을 대내외에 천명하였다. 아울러 4차례의 반역사건에 연루되어 희생된 자들과 대재해ㆍ기근을 당해 사망한 백성들의 死後淨土往生을 기원하였다. 「창림사 무구정탑원기」의 조성은 분열되고 반목하였던 정치세력의 화해와 對民慰撫라는 국왕의 숨겨진 의도를 정토신앙이라는 불교사상으로 승화시킨 것이었다. 창림사에 무구정탑을 조성하는 총책임을 맡았던 문성왕의 從弟 金銳는 균정계 였고, 김예를 보좌했던 從叔 金繼宗ㆍ金勳榮은 憲貞系였다. 이들은 地方勢力을 통제하려는 문성왕의 정치적 의도에 따라 熊州ㆍ武州ㆍ康州 등 지방의 주요 거점에 파견된 지방관이었다. 김예ㆍ김계종ㆍ김훈영의 존재를 통해서, 문성왕대 후반부 국왕이 균정계ㆍ헌정계 親族을 중심으로 하여 정국을 운영해나가고 있었음을 통찰할 수 있다.

김준정권(金俊政權)의 몽고육사(蒙古六事) 이행 추이(推移)와 정권(政權)의 향배(向背)-고려무인집권기(高麗武人執權期) 김준정권(金俊政權) 연구(硏究)(이(二))-

강재광 ( Kang Jae-gwang ) 한국중세사학회 2014 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.39

The military ruler, Kim Jun(金俊) established peace negotiations with Mongol in 1259, on condition of Taejachinjo(太子親朝). In the beginning of military rule, Kim Jun could not capture government power, completely. So, He aimed to prevent invasion of Mongol Army, implementing the majority of Mongol Six Duty(蒙古六事). Kim Jun’s political power fulfilled to Taejachinjo, payment of annually tribute(歲貢), installation of relay stations(驛站), and dispatch of Darugachi(達魯花赤) out of Mongol Six Duty. But Kim Jun put off Jogun(助軍) and census(籍民), fundamental duty of Mongol Six Duty. This attitude of Goryeo military ruler resulted from following reasons. First, Mongol Emperor, Kubirai(忽必烈) imposed Jogun and census to Goryeo dynasty for the purpose of preventing resistance against Mongol. Second, Kubirai intended to bring down Kim Jun’s political power through the pressure on perfect performance towards Mongol Six Duty. The latter half of Kim Jun’s political power, Mongol Empire forced strongly to fulfill Jogun and census to Kangdo Court(江都 朝廷). Military ruler, Kim Jun was up for transferring the capital to strategic island which was located on the southern part. But his plan failed eventually, because of refusal of the king Wonjong(元宗) and peace claimers within Kangdo Court. After this, Kim Jun’s secret plan was reported to Mongol Emperor by Goryeo envoy. In 1268, Mongol Empire dispatched a large scale of envoy group by way of excuse for expedition to Japan. Mongol envoy pressured Kim Jun’s political power mostly, claiming personnel mobilization, provisions procurement, and battleship production. At that time, Wonjong succeeded in assassinating Kim Jun and his brother Kim Seungjun(金承俊), mobilizing a lot of eunuchs in Kangdo palace. Also, Wonjong won success to eliminate Kim Jun’s family and his faction, instigating Im Yeon(林衍) who was a adopted son of Kim Jun. As the result, Kim Jun’s political power collapsed and the resistance of Goryeo military rule against Mongol was weakened.

1232년 이세화(李世華)의 광주산성(廣州山城)전투 승첩(勝捷)의 역사적(歷史的) 의미(意味)

강재광 ( Kang Jae-gwang ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2018 民族文化硏究 Vol.78 No.-

李世華는 『고려사』·『고려사절요』에 등장하지 않는 인물이지만, 1232년(고종 19) 제2차 廣州山城戰鬪를 승리로 이끈 대몽전쟁의 숨은 주역이다. 그는 貞州李氏 시조로 알려져 있으며, 무반 가문 출신으로 추정된다. 「이세화묘지명」에 의하면, 이세화는 과거급제 후 국왕 熙宗을 보필하였고, 거란족과의 전쟁에서는 원수 趙沖을 보좌하면서 조충의 천거를 받기도 하였다. 이세화는 崔忠獻執權期에 두각을 나타내지 못하였으나 崔瑀執權期에 무인집정 崔瑀로부터 能文能吏로 인정받아 출세하였던 것으로 판단된다. 특히 廣州副使로서 제2차 광주산성전투를 승리로 이끈 것은 그의 순탄한 관직생활을 담보 받는 지름길이 되었다. 이 규보는 문·무를 겸전하고 행정력, 군사적 재능까지 겸비한 이세화를 당대 보기 드문 온전한 인재로 높게 평가하였다. 1232년 광주산성전투는 고려 중부권 최초의 승전이었다. 이세화의 지휘를 받은 廣州民이 광주산성에서 2개월여 동안 몽골 주력군을 방어함으로써 새로운 진격로를 탐색하던 몽골군 元帥府의 혼란을 가중시켰으며 몽골군 본진의 병력 분산을 유도해냈다. 광주산성을 점령하지 못하고 오랜 시간과 병력을 손실당한 撒禮塔은 광주산성 남방의 處仁城을 급히 공격하다가 그곳에서 전사하였다. 이렇게 보았을 때, 광주산성전투 승리는 고려가 전세를 반전시키는 데 크게 기여하였음을 알 수 있다. 몽골 제2차 침입이 1232년 12월 중순에 종결되었지만 광주부사 이세화는 3년이나 더 광주에 머물면서 만일의 사태에 대비하였다. 1235년 5월 광주민은 강도조정으로부터 광주산성전투의 戰功을 인정받아 常?·雜役을 집단적으로 면제받는 특혜를 부여받았다. 아울러 1235년 7월 唐古가 거느린 몽골군이 제3차 침입을 감행하자 강도조정의 배려로 광주는 南京과 더불어 강화도로 피난하는 특혜를 받았다. 이는 당시 집권자 최우가 楊廣道의 巨鎭이었던 광주를 몽골군 침입으로부터 보호하려 했던 측면 이외에도 자신이 國是로 내세웠던 海島入保策을 한층 강화하겠다는 전략전술의 변화를 보여주는 것이었다. Yi Sehwa(李世華) is not found in Goryosa(高麗史) and Goryosajeollyo(高麗史節要), but he was a hidden hero who had headed for the victory of the battle of Gwangjusanseong (廣州山城) in 1232. Yi Sehwa is well known as formal progenitor of Jeongju Yi Clan(貞州李 氏), and he is supposed to a member of the military official family. According to Yi Sehwa’s Epitaphs, after pass of royal examination, he served King Heejong(熙宗). At that time of the war against Khitan(契丹) in 1216-1219, he gave counsel to the head commander, Jo Chung(趙沖). For his service, he was recommended for public office by Jo Chung. Yi Sehwa was recognized to a civil official as Neungmunneungri(能文能吏) from Choi Woo(崔瑀), military ruler. The victory of secondary Gwangjusanseong battle of Yi Sehwa who was Gwangjubusa(廣州副使), was guaranteed to smooth public service. Yi Gyubo(李奎 報) had a high opinion of Yi Sehwa as a talented person who was endowed with both intelligence and military ability. The battle of Gwangjusanseong was the first victory of middle area, Yanggwangdo(楊 廣道) of Goryo dynasty. Under the command of Yi Sehwa, Juhyunmin(州縣民) of Gwangju defeated to main force units of Mongol army during two months in Gwangjusanseong. Consequently, headquarter of Mongol army had taken serious damage from Goryo Juhyunmin. In addition, they plunged into confusion to decide the target for an attack in the future. Also, they had to disperse main force units to various small units. Sartai(撒禮塔), the supreme commander of Mongol army failed to occupy Gwangjusanseong. Instead, he had taken to strength loss casualties. Sartai died to be shot by an arrow in the battle of Cheoinseong(處仁城), attacking on that place hurriedly. This point of view, victory of the Battle of Gwangjusanseong contributed to reverse the war situation of Goryo dynasty. The second Mongol invasion had ended on the middle ten days of December in 1232. But, Yi Sehwa prepared for emergencies against Mongol as Gwangjubusa, staying on Gwangju during 3 more years. On May in 1235, Juhyunmin of Gwangju was recognized with distinguished services on the battle of Gwangjusanseong from Gangdo Court(江都朝 廷). They were received a prize to be exempted from Sangyo(常?) and Japyeok(雜役) collectively. On July in 1235, the third Mongol invasion had begun. Tanggo(唐古) who supreme commander of Mongol army trampled down the middle area of Goryo dynasty. And then, owing to consideration of Gangdo Court, Gwangju and Namkyung(南京) received special favor that move residence to Kanghwa island which was the temporary capital. By the intention of Choi Woo, this action was taken as a measure that should protect Gwangju province from Mongol invasion. In addition to, this defense plan was to be resulted from change of strategic tactics that Choi Woo should reinforce Haedoibbochaek(海島入 保策) even more.

對蒙戰爭期 崔氏政權의 海島入保策과 戰略海島

姜在光(Kang, Jae-gwang) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2008 군사 Vol.- No.66

최의정권(崔誼政權)의 대몽화의논(對蒙和議論) 수용과 최씨정권(崔氏政權)의 붕괴(崩壞)

강재광 ( Jae Gwang Kang ) 한국중세사학회 2010 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.28

蒙古의 제1차 침공과 被陷 北界 14大城의 抗戰

姜在光(Kang Jae-Gwang) 한국사연구회 2009 한국사연구 Vol.146 No.-

Mongol army that was controlled by Sartai(撒禮塔), the general of the army, suddenly invaded Koryo in 18th year(1231) August of Gojong(高宗)'s rule in the name of Jugoyeo(著古與) murder. But, the real reason of Mongol invasion was to satisfy Mongol's economical avarice, imposing very much tribute to Koryo Court. In different from writing of Wonsa(元史), Sartai didn't take possession of 40 castles in Bukgye(北界) of Koryo dynasty. He could only occupy 14 big castles that had existed as strategic position of Bukgye. Out of them, Hamsinjin(咸新鎭) and Inju(麟州) surrendered itself to Mongol invader. And 7 Ju(州) including Sunju (宣州) and Kwakju(郭州) were captured by Mongol army, because the headquarter of 7 Ju had escaped to islands which were determined by Choi’s political power(崔氏政權). Therefore, Sartai actually attacked and defeated 5 Ju including Yongju(龍州) and Cheolju(鐵州), with his own strength. Koryo Samgun(三軍) failed to win Mongol army in Anbukbu(安 北府) battle, on November 1232. As the result, Koryo Court could not help concluding peace negotiations with Mongol on a low profile. On conclusing peace negotiations, Bukgye province was submitted to Mongol influence, centering around Seokyung(西京). From December 1231 to February 1232, Bukgye province came to the rule of Darugachi(達魯花赤) and Tammajeokgun(探馬赤軍) step by step. But the governor of Koryo, Choi Woo(崔瑀) started to eliminate Tammajeokgun located in the south region of Seokyung, after Mongol army withdrew on January 1232. Further more, Choi Woo carried out escape to Kangwha island(江華遷都) with lightning speed on June 1232. He spreaded out the movement for recovery of lost territory and for destroying Darugachi all over the Bukgye, from July to August the same year. In this movement linked with Island Protection Tactics(海島入保策), the headquarter and military force of 7 Ju including Sunju that moved into appointed islands, played the trigger role in defeating Darugachi. So Choi’s political power managed to recover some territory of Bukgye before second Mongol invasion.

대몽전쟁기 西海道·北界에서의 海島入保策 추진 양태와 군사적 성격

강재광(Kang, Jae-gwang) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2020 군사 Vol.- No.117

Island Protection Tactics(海島入保策) during the Period of the War against Mongol was carried out for the first time in Seohaedo(西海道) and Bukkye(北界) of Goryo dynasty in 1231. The strategic experience of Haedoibbo(海島入保) that had been executed in these provinces had an considerable effect on the governments’ escape led by King into the Kanghwa island(江華遷都) in 1232. Island Protection Tactics that was propelled in Seohaedo and Bukkye in the Period of the War against Mongol, have several military characters distinguished with southern provinces of Yanggwangdo(楊廣道). The first, Haedoibbo in Seohaedo and Bukkye had come true throughout intensive military control of Choi Woo’s political power, from the start. The second, Juhyunmin(州縣民) who had entered to strategic islands of Bukkye, could come back to the homeland in 1261. They defended strategic islands from Mongol invasion, staying to designated islands for a long time. The third, Byeolchogun(別抄軍) that had stationed to strategic islands of Seohaedo, won to all naval battles against Mongol navy. As a result, Juhyunmin and defensive forces of strategic islands, prevented from Mongol navy’s coastal infiltration toward Kanghwa island. The fourth, Gyungbyeolcho(京別抄) dispatched to main strategic islands of Bukkye. Forward stationing of this unit strengthened defensive power of strategic islands of Bukkye. The fifth, Bukkyebyungmasayeong(北界兵馬使營) had been moved to strategic islands of Seohaedo and Bukkye in the end of the War against Mongol.