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김호동(Ho-dong Kim) 한국고지도연구학회 2010 한국고지도연구 Vol.2 No.2
〈일제의 한국침략에 따른‘일본해’명칭의 의미 변화〉는 서양 고지도의 동해 해역에 대한 통계수치의 공방에서 벗어나 일본이 동해의 명칭을 어떻게 불렀고, ‘일본해’의 명칭을 어떤 목적에서, 어떤 의미를 부여하였는가를 밝혀내고자 하였다. 그것을 통해 일본의 팽창주의, 혹은 식민지 지배의 일환으로서‘일본해’의 명칭을 사용하였고, 그런 시각을 갖고 있었기 때문에‘공해’로 간주하기보다는‘일본 내해’, ‘일본 영해’의 의미로 사용하여 조선, 나아가 대륙침략의 발판으로 여겼음을 드러내었다. 위와 같은 연구 방향을 가진 본 연구의 연구 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 에도막부시절 현재 일본이‘일본해’라고 부르는 공해상을‘일본해’라고 한 표기는 거의 없다. 그 수치보다‘조선해’라고 한 경우가 보다 많다. 대부분의 지도의 경우 한국 동쪽 해역을‘조선해’라고 표기하고 있는 반면에 일본 서쪽 해역에 아무런 이름을 표기하지 않고 있다. 1840년대 중반~1860년대에 오면‘일본해’의 명칭이 나타난다. 일본의 경우 이것을‘Sea of Japan’이 서양지도나 일본 지도에서 일반화된다고 하지만 이때의‘일본해’는 지금의 한국과 일본의 바다(공해)를 일본이‘Sea of Japan’이라고 하는 것과 큰 차이가 있음에도 불구하고 이를 호도하고 있다. 이때의‘일본해’는 주로 일본의 서쪽 바다에 치우쳐져 있고, 그와 함께 일본의 동쪽 바다를 칭하는 것이 보다 일반적이었다. 둘째, 근대 제국주의가 출현하면서 메이지시대 후발 근대 제국주의로 발돋움한 일본은 바다에 대한 영유의식을 갖게 되었다. 이때 영해로서의 의미를 가진 일본 서쪽의 연안을‘일본 서해’, 혹은‘일본해’로 부르는 지도가 크게 늘어난다. 메이지유신 직후인 1869년 12월 일본 외무성의 佐田白茅와 森山茂, 齊藤榮일행이 조선의 사정을 내탐하고 외무성에 보고한「朝鮮國交際始末內探書」와 태정관 변관에게 보낸 건의서를 보면 정한론에 근거하여 조선의 정벌을 주장하고 있다. 이때를 전후해 한국과 일본 사이의 바다를‘일본해’라고 하는 지도가 많이 나타나기 시작한다. 특히 조선 침략의 기운이 팽배한 1875~1876년(개항을 전후한 시기), 1882~1884년(임오군란~갑신정변), 1894년(청일전쟁) 등의 시기에 한국과 일본 사이의 바다를‘일본해’라고 하는 지도가 급증한다. 그것은‘일본해’의 사용이 제국주의 일본의 영토 야욕을 드러내주는 것이라고 할 수 있다. 셋째, 근대 해양법에 대한 이해가 증대되면서 해상주권의 확보는 습관상 현재 어로를 하고 있는지 유무와 실적에 있다는 인식을 하면서 국가가 적극적 어업장려책을 마련하여 일본 어부들의 동해에 대한 어로활동의 지원책을 마련하였다. 그것을 통해 일본 어부들의 어로활동이 미치는 범위를 해상주권의 확보로 간주하여 공해마저‘일본해’로 부르면서‘일본의 영해’로 간주하기 시작하였다. 나아가 대만 및 팽호열도의 영토편입, 조선의 개항에서 식민지로의 병합에 따라 그 사이에 존재하는 바다를‘일본내해’의 의미를 가진‘일본해’라고 인식하였다. 그런 점에서 일본해의 명칭이 일본의 팽창주의 혹은 식민지 지배의 결과로 널리 알려지게 되었다고 볼 수 있다. 넷째, 일본 제국주의의 패망으로 인해 한국과 일본 사이에 있는 바다를‘일본 영해’, 혹은‘일본 내해’의 의미를 갖는‘일본해’로 단독 표기한 1929년의 국제수로기구의 결정은 잘못 채택된 것임을 인정하여야 한다. Koreans insist the term ‘East Sea’ was used for more than 2000 years in the region and support parallel term using ‘East Sea/Sea of Japan’ because “The term Sea of Japan was advertised as a result of Japanese expansionism or colonial rule”. In contrast, Japanese persist their own view on ‘Sea of Japan’ as unique term instead of Korean opinion on “East Sea was used for 2000 years’ because Korean insistence was only limited to the region and “Sea of Japan was unique term generalized throughout the world, which have used after 19th century in the region.” and dispute against Korean title “The term Sea of Japan was advertised as a result of Japanese expansionism or colonial rule” on the basis of majority of many 19th century old maps entitled Sea of Japan. This paper aims enlighten the purpose and how the meaning of ‘Sea of Japan’ started to call from the beginning of 19th century out of statistical dispute about the sea region by western maps to criticize Japan MOFA’s insist. This paper concluded that ‘Sea of Japan’ was used as territorial meaning of ‘inner Japan sea’ or ‘Japanese territorial waters’ instead of ‘international waters’ along with purposing the meaning as Japanese expansionism and colonial rule on Korea and more Asian continent. The result of the summary goes,First, The Sea of Japan during Edo era meant east side of Japan, which started to call by Western people. Second, rising recognition on the sea area by modern Imperialism have changed meaning of the sea from the place of exchange and trade to the sea of emperor or colony as territorial meaning in Japan. So, Japan as a late Imperialist started to use the name ‘Japanese Western Sea’ or ‘Sea of Japan’ on the western sea area of Japan. Third, modern International Law of the Sea made Japan to support positive fishery activity around the sea because the International Law of the Sea admits the territorial judgments on the basis of customary fishery activity and performance around the sea. That was the reason why Japan wanted to call ‘Sea of Japan’ for the purpose of territorial sea sovereignty around the East Sea as international waters considering Japanese fisher’s activity range in the region to aim ‘Japanese sea territory’. Furthermore, Japan tried to recognize the mid sea area between Korea mainland and Japan to call ‘Sea of Japan’ along with the annexation of Formosa, Pescdores, and Choseon as colony. In this point, the name of ‘Sea of Japan’ was well announced as the result of the Japanese expansionism and colonial rule. Fourth, I insist the decision of 1929 International Hydrographic Organization(IHO) call ‘Sea of Japan’ which might imagine ‘Japanese territory’ or ‘inner Japan sea’ between Korea and Japan without considering historical situation was wrong and should use parallel term East Sea/Sea of Japan at least.
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울루스인가 칸국인가 - 몽골제국의 카안과 칸 칭호의 분석을 중심으로 -
김호동 ( Kim Hodong ) 중앙아시아학회 2016 中央아시아硏究 Vol.21 No.2
It was Ogodei who took the title of qa`an for the first time among the Mongol emperors. Although that title was later widely employed by the supreme rulers of the empire, it had been rarely used in the Mongolian steppe before his adoption. At first, qa`an was a unique title for Ogodei but later it was adopted as a general title for Mongol emperors. This change was almost complete in the time of Qubilai. In the meantime, the title of khan was used, before 1206, to designate rulers of tribe, tribal confederacy or a dynasty. After 1206, only the supreme ruler of the empire could use that title. Although we can find a few princes - e.g., Jochi and Batu - who were called khan, it was an honorary title attached after their death. It was only from the late 1250s when Hulegu came to West Asia with a huge army that Chinggisid princes began to be called khan. As is well known, Hulegu and his successors were called il khan whose meaning is not `a subordinate khan` but `khan of il (i.e., ulus).` However, it was not a title monopolized by the Huleguid rulers; Jochid rulers were also addressed by that title. It should be pointed out that khan was not an official title adopted by the Mongol Empire. The official title to designate Chinggisid princes was ko`u(n) in Mongolian, and it was translated into oghul in Turkic, shahzada in Persian, and wang (or zhuwang, dawang) in Chinese. Qubilai introduced an institution of investment and divided Chinggisid princes into six hierarchically ordered groups, which were distinguished by the materias and the shape of the seals bestowed to them. `The Table of Princes` in Yuan shi shows this six-hierarchy institution was current only within the realm of the Qa`an Ulus, and no prince in the large three western uluses was found there. However, we know that Huleguid princes received various seals engraved with the expression of zhibao(之寶), and their officials also received zhiyin(之印) seals. After the reform of the institution in 1282 the imperial court stopped to bestow zhibao seal because it was regarded to be used only by emperors. Nonetheless, the Huleguid princes continued to use the zhibao seals within their realms as we see in the letter of Arghun in 1289 and in the edict of Ghazan in 1302. They went so far as to cast a new zhibao seal for themselves as evidenced by its use in 1305 and in 1320. The mode of employment of the khan title and the zhibao seals suggests the fact that the Huleguid princes, and probably other rulers in the three western uluses, practiced a policy of `internally emperor, externally king(外王內帝).` This policy allowed the Mongol Empire to maintain its unity in spite of growing independency of the three western uluses.
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대장 관샘종에서 면역조직화학염색을 이용한 Telomerase 발현
김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim ),오영상 ( Young Sang Oh ),김수현 ( Soo Hyun Kim ),김상필 ( Sang Pil Kim ),신현학 ( Hyun Hak Shin ),박주용 ( Ju Yong Park ),박혁 ( Hyeuk Park ),명보현 ( Bo Hyun Myoung ),김도현 ( Do Hyun Kim ),이영직 ( Young 대한소화기학회 2007 대한소화기학회지 Vol.50 No.3
목적: Telomere는 세포 염색체의 말단에 존재하며 염색체 안정을 유지하는 데 필수적인 역할을 수행한다. 이러한 telomere의 합성을 촉매하는 telomerase 활성이 전암 병변에서도 관찰되면서 이 효소의 활성화는 발암과정의 초기 현상으로 암화과정에 기여하는 것으로 생각하고 있다. 대장암의 전암 병변으로 알려진 대장 관샘종의 형성이상 단계에 따른 telomerase의 활성도를 측정하고 연관관계를 밝히고자 하였다. 대상 및 방법: 본원에셔 2006년 1윌부터 2006년 12윌까지 대장내시경 용종절제술 또는 수술 받은 환자들 중 병리 조직검사에셔 경도 형성이상과 고도 형성이상으로 확진한 환자 48예를 대상으로 하여 후향적으로 연구하였다. 광학현미경에서 면역조직화학염색에 양성반응을 보이는 형성이상 세포의 비율이 50% 이하로 염색된 human telomerase reverse transcriptase (hTERT) 저염색군과 51% 이상 염색된 hTERT 고염색군으로 나타내었다. 염색은 세포의 핵에 국한된 경우로 하였다. 결과: 면역조직화학염색에서 hTERT 저염색군은 경도 형성이상 22예(96%), 고도 형성이상 13예(52%)이었으며 hTERT 고염색군은 경도 형성이상 1예(4%), 고도 형성이상 12예(48%)로 경도 형성이상과 고도 형성이상 간에 telomerase 활성도의 유의한 차이가 있었다(p<0.05). 결론: 대장 관샘종의 형성이상이 경도에셔 고도로 갈수록 telomerase 활성도가 높아졌다. Background/Aims: Telomeres are simple repeat elements located at each chromosome end of eukaryotic cells. The main function of telomeres is to cap the chromosome end and protect it from enzymatic attack. Telomerase that facilitates the synthesis of telomere has been detected in not only cancer but also precancerous lesion. In this study, we compared the telomerase expression between low grade and high grade colorectal tubular adenoma. Methods: Among thissues from forty eight patients with colorectal tubular adenoma (23 low grade and 25 high grade colorectal dysplasia), telomerase expressions were evaluated by immunohistochemical staining. Results: We classified 48 patients into two groups by the extent of nuclei staining pattern. High telomerase expression was a group which showed staining nucleus pattern above 50% in tubular adenoma. Low telomerase expression was a group which showed staining pattern nucleus below 50%. Twelve in 25 high grade colorectal dysplasia showed high telomerase expression (48%). Only one in 23 low grade colorectal dysplasia showed high telomerase expression (4%). Telomerase expression was much higher in the tissues from the patients with high grade than in those with low grade colorectal dysplasia (p<0.05). Conclusions: Activation of telomerase may be related to the malignant potential in colorectal epithelial cells. Further studies are needed to define the role of telomerase in colorectal tumorigenesis. (Korean J Gastroenterol 2007;50:164-169)
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김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-
The world map of Honilgangriyeokdaegukdo jido (混一疆理歷代國都之圖) made in 1402 has drawn a lot of scholarly attention during the last several decades, and recent researches made significant contribution to the widening of our understanding. Especially Miya Noriko in her newly published book persuasively argued that the world map compiled and inserted in the work entitled DaYuanYitongzhi(元一統志) became the basis of Hongilgangrido. This article is an attempt to supplement her argument by clarifying and revising a couple of facts related with the relationship between those two maps. (1) During the reign of Qubilai, the Board of War was in charge of collecting gazetteers of provincial areas and the Hanlin Academy was also commissioned to gathering various provincial gazetteers in order to compile a botanical work called Zhiyuanbenchao(至元本草). However, when the collection of geographical materials did not progress as planned, Jamal al-Din who was at that time the chief of Mishujian (Imperial Library Directorate) proposed to collect them systematically under the initiative of his bureau and to compile a comprehensive geography based on that collection. This suggests that the geographical book Jamal al-Din proposed was not about the entire Mongol empire, neither the whole area of Qubilai`s realm. Rather it was meant to cover basically the two areas of Handi and Jiangnan, i.e., China proper. Incidentally, at that time, a person named Yu Yinglong(虞應龍) had just finished a draft of geographical work which he named Tongtongzhi(統同志). Since it was considered to accord well with Jamal al-Din`s proposal, the office of Mishujian, based on the work of Yu, succeeded in compiling a geographical work. It was named DaYitongzhi, which is apparently inspired by the title of Yu`s work Tongtongzhi. (2)It has been generally considered that DaYitongzhi was compiled in 1294 at first and revised in 1303. In fact, however, it was first compiled in 1291 and, when they obtained additional information on `far and border regions` such as Yunnan and Liaoyang, supplementary volume(s) were made. At the same time, having checked the changes and mistakes, they drew up a table of addenda and corrigenda. However, when these changes became increased, in 1301 they decided to compile a revised edition and thus a new version was completed in 1303. Therefore, we can assume that in the library of Mishujian three different versions of DaYitongzhi were stored: (a)the first edition, 755 volumes(juan), completed in 1291, (b)the edition of 1294, 787 volumes in 483 book(ce), and (c) the final edition of 1303, 1,300 volumes in 600 books. The first version was printed later during the reign of Zhizheng but it was lost and now only a small portion survives. (3) As the collection of various provincial maps of China was proceeding, in 1286 Jamal al-Din who had already possessed a number of "Muslim maps" proposed Qubilai to compile a world map covering the entire Mongol empire "from where the sun rises to where the sun goes down." His request was approved and he further ordered to collect rah-nama, i.e., portolan map, from the Muslim merchants of the Indian Ocean. We are not sure whether he succeeded in compiling this map, but, considering the fact that it was an imperially commissioned project, it is reasonable to assume that it was completed if not some special circumstances. The world map he drew up must have been quite different from Honilgangrido which depicts China and Korea disproportionately bigger than the reality. We know that on a woodcut globe(kurah-iard) he presented to Qubilai the ratio of the land and the sea was 3:7. And there is no surviving Muslim maps that shows the composition as we see in Honilgangrido. This is the reason why I consider the world map of Jamal al-Din could not be a base map of Li Zemin(李澤民)`s Shengjiaoguangbeitu (聖敎廣被圖) which became the model of Honilgangrido. (4)Therefore, I think it is necessary to turn our attention to a map named Tianxiadirizongtu(天下地理總圖) that was appended to the 1303 edition of DaYitongzhi. This edition contains a `small map(xiaotu) after the description of each circuit(lu), but it was necessary to provide a comprehensive map showing the entire region depicted in that work. Thus Tianxia diri zongtu was made and appended at the end of the book. It was drawn by a man named Fang Ping (方平), but soon later he worked in collaboration with Yu Yong (兪庸). Since this map was designed to show the areas that were described in DaYitongzhi, it is not surprising for us to see China depicted very much in detail. Although it seems that they made use of some geographical information in Jamal al-Din`s world map, the areas to the west of China was shrunken and distorted. Probably it is this Tianxia diri zongtu that was disseminated among the people and became the basis of Zhou Siben`s Guangyutu and Li Zemin`s Shengjiaoguangbeitu. If we draw a diagram based on the preceding discussions, it should be as follows. ① Jamal al-Din`s world map→ ② Tianxia diri zongtu appended to DaYitongzhi→ ③The maps of Zhou Siben and Li Zemin→ ④Honilgangrido in Korea
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