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Passivation of Semi-Insulating Polycrystaline CdZnTe Films
김선웅 한국물리학회 2008 THE JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN PHYSICAL SOCIETY Vol.53 No.1
SurfaceeectsplayanimportantroleintheoveralperformanceofX-raydetector. Theeectsof pasivationwith(NH4)2Sonsemi-insulatingpolycrystalineCdZnTethicklmswereanalyzedwith X-rayphotoelectronspectroscopy(XPS),photoconductivedecay(PCD),noisepowerspectrumand pulse height spectra measurements. Sulfur pasivation with (HN4)2S eectively removes the Te- oxide layers on the CdZnTe surface, reduces the surface leakage curent and gives higher energy resolutionbysuppresing1=f noise.
Parallel Linearization: A thought on afterthoughts
김선웅,박명관 한국현대언어학회 2010 언어연구 Vol.26 No.3
This paper starts with noting that so-called ‘right dislocation’ in Korean is construed as giving an afterthought, comparable to one of the functions that right dislocation in English takes on (Grosz and Ziv 1996, C.-H. Lee 2009). It is argued below that the right-edge afterthought part of the construction in Korean is derived neither by base-generation (Sells 1999, Yoon 2009), nor by movement (Haraguchi 1973, H.-S. Choe 1987), nor by deletion (Abe 1999), but by the proposed operation of parallel linearization in terms of conjunction reduction (McCawley 1982). In particular, it is shown that the null elements in the afterthought part can be analyzed on a par with copy traces left by movement. To be concrete, the afterthought part of the construction is derived by parallel linearization of the two coordinate clauses: the host and the afterthought clauses. The idea is that as the two clauses undergo linearization in a parallel fashion, the repetitive elements in the second clause undergo phonological reduction. We argue that parallel linearization and reduction are needed anyway for constructions involving conjunction reduction independently of the construction concerned in this paper. We rely on Reinhart's (1976, 1983) Condition on Bound Variable Pronouns to account for NPI elements with respect to afterthoughts.
A Note on NP/DP Parameter: Left Branch Extraction in Korean
김선웅 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2011 언어연구 Vol.28 No.2
According to Bošković’s(2008, 2010a, 2010b) NP/DP parameter, DP languages obey the Left Branch Condition(LBC) whereas NP languages do not. English, for example obeys LBC but Serbo-Croation(SC) and Russian, which are NP languages, allow left branch extraction(LBE). Korean, which is also allegedly an NP language, however, does not allow LBE. This is unexpected to Bošković(2008, 2010a, 2010b) since his theory predicts that Korean, as an NP language, would rule in LBE examples for Korean has no LBC in effect. Faced with this problem, this paper pursues the possibility that Korean would still belong to the NP language type but the seeming violation of LBC is due to a failure to satisfy the morphological requirement that Korean adnominals need a host for morphological completion. This analysis is confirmed by the repair by deletion facts of Korean and is further expanded to explain the apparent violations of the Korean morphological requirement, which are reported in Korean right dislocation and left node raising examples.
A Predicate Inversion Analysis of Kukes in Korean “Sluicing”
김선웅 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2012 언어연구 Vol.29 No.1
There has been a great amount of work regarding the identity of “sluicing” in Korean. Two major claims are the (pseudo)cleft analysis and the movement-cum-deletion analysis. The former claims the Korean “sluicing” is derived from a kind of cleft clause, while the latter claims it is derived in terms of movement and the subsequent deletion of the remnant clause. This paper is a piece of support to the cleft (or pseudocleft) analysis of Korean “sluicing” in contrast to the movement-cum-deletion analysis. Differently from the previous analyses, however, this paper claims that the optional presence of kukes in “sluicing” is actually an argument in Spec-TP, which has originated as the predicate of the embedded small clause. This is in line with the predicate inversion analysis of English pseudoclefts (Moro 1997, den Dikken 2008). The proposed analysis turns out to be effective in explaining the connectivity in “sluicing” in the same way as clefts in Korean.
Predicate Raising and Complementizers
김선웅 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.2
This paper is primarily concerned with the licensing of that-less complement clauses of nominals. In particular, the present study is purposed to answer the question why a null complementizer(NC) is not allowed with nominals while it is with verbs. In pursuit of an answer to the question the relationship between predicate raising and the presence/absence of NC is examined. This paper proposes a solution to the problem in terms of n to N (and to D) raising. The present study also deals with another interesting relationship between predicate raising and the presence/absence of NC with respect to the that-t effect and suggests that the alleged complementizer in Korean may not be a complementizer in a regular sense.
특정성과 서술성의 통사론: 영어와 한국어의 (‘것'-)분열문을 중심으로
김선웅 대한언어학회 2010 언어학 Vol.18 No.3
Kim, Sun-Woong. 2010. The Syntax of Specification and Predication: (Kes-)Clefts in Korean and English. The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal. 18(3). 167-185. This paper argues that the Korean kes-cleft construction is a mixture of clefts (it-clefts) and pseudoclefts (wh-clefts) in that it has the properties of both clefts at the same time. To show this, comparisons with English it-clefts and wh-clefts are made with respect to the well-known syntactic and semantic properties. Regarding semantic properties of kes-clefts, it is concluded that the Korean kes-cleft construction is basically of specificational nature rather than predicational. In order to properly derive kes-clefts, following the lead of den Dikken(2009), it is argued that kukes in Korean kes-clefts starts as a small clause predicate and is raised to the front in terms of predicate raising in the sense of Moro(1997). The proposed derivation turns out to effectively explain the binding connectivity and the control possibility of kes-clefts.