朝鮮初期 密陽 在地勢力의 淸道移住와 定着過程

朴洪甲(Park, Hong-Gab) 백산학회 2004 白山學報 Vol.- No.70

Since the early Chosun, the Milyang Park’s(밀양박씨) had lived in Cheongdo. It is not discovered yet how Park Gun(朴乾), who had moved first to Cheongdo, had lived. Therefore, I want to explain how Milyang Park’s settled down there and adjusted to it. Park Ik(朴翊), Park Gun’s grandfather, was raised in the native Milyang Park’s family, and held the post of Yea-Jo-Pan-Seo(예조판서). However he retired to this hometown against the foundation of Chosun Dynasty. His four sons were not in the government services, but they held government offices thanks to the will of Park Ik, who died in 1398. The first son, Park Yung(朴融), passed the classical examination and held the post of the governor of KyoungsangDosa(慶尙都事), and this made him closely connected with Cheongdo. As a result, he had his son, Park Gun, marry the daughter of Kim Cheol-sung(金哲誠). This led Park Gun move to Cheongdo where his wife’s family lived. After that, Park Seung-won(朴承元), the son of Park Gun, became Ha Suk-pu’s son in law. At that time, Ha Suk-pu(河叔溥) was the richest person in Cheongdo. However he didn’t have any sons to leave his great estate and slaves to, so Park Seung-won inherited all those estate and slaves. This made the Park’s become stable economically. Both Park Gun’s father and grandfather passed the classical examinations, and both he and his only son, Park Seung-won, passed the military service examinations. Being in the central government services helped them to make the field of their business wider in their hometown. Furthermore, it was a strong backing for the descendants to become Sa-lim(士林), the representatives of that area. At that time, the same families lived together in one village. This story shows how the Milyang Park’s village became the biggest ever.

전통사회 家系기록과 太祖 만들기

朴洪甲(Park, Hong-Gab) 한국사학회 2009 史學硏究 Vol.- No.96

임란시기 유학의 전개와 거창 학맥

박홍갑(Park Hong-gap) 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2020 민족문화논총 Vol.74 No.-

After the emergence of the academic factions in 16C, there was also an emergence of scholars, such as, Hoejae, Haseo, Toegye, Nam Myeong and others to upgrade the level of understanding on Neo-Confucianism one notch higher. And, with the emergence of such Confucius scholars, the academic tradition and school faction were taken place. It was the time for the Toegye School or Nam Myeong Academic Faction, two leading vehicles for the Youngnam School. Thess academic factions were also known as the Gangwoo (right side of the river) School and Gangjwa (left side of the riverf) School depending on the regional basis with the regional basis in Geochabng belonging to Gangwoo, without consistently classified as a Gangwoo School. It was attributable to the relationship with Toegye Lee Hwang who was the leader of the Gangjwa School. Namely, Gwon Gil who was the father-in-law to Toegye was once returned to Geochabng and a noble scholar of Geochabng, Im Hoon, became friend of Toegye to deepen the foundation of the Neo-Confucianism. However, with time flows, Geochabng had the main line of scholars succeeding Nammyeong, and these scholars include Im Woon who was a younger brother of Im Hoon, Moon Wi, Jeon Pal-go, Jeon Pal=gyu, Rype Jung-ryong, Jeong In-heup and others who were taught from Deokgye Oh Geon who was a disciple of Nammyeong, and Moon Wi, Jin Sik, Jeong On and others were requested teaching from Han Kang were also deemed to succeed the academic tradition of Nammyeong. In addition, Donggye Jeong On was a literature man of Jeong In-hong who was direct pupil of Nam Myeong, and Lee Dae-il, Hyeong Sa-gap, Ryu Gye-ryong, Rye Jung-ryong, Moon Wi, Yoon Gyeong-nam and others were also came from the academic sector. Nam Myong was the scholar who favored Righteous Esteem based practice over the principle of Neo-Confucianism based on the spirit of logical reasoning. It is attributable to the fact that his disciples had significant creative works during the Imjinwaeran (Japanese Invasion in the year of Imjin). At the time of Imjinwaeran, the base for civilian army of Kim Myeon who was the provincial general for civic army was set up in Geochabng and the region had significant number of disciples that succeeded the righteous esteem of Nam Myeong and they include Jeong Yu-myeong, Moon Wi, Seong Paeng-nyeon, Jeon Pal-go, Jeon Pal-geup, Kim Shin-ok, Yoo Jung-ryong and others. As such, Geochabng led the academic tradition of Toegye and Nam Myeong together, and with time flowing, the region had the reputation as the home of loyalty and justice by having many scholars with the Nam Myeong academic tradition participating as civil army during the Imjinwaeran. However, after the collapse of the Bukin regime, it had to walk the same path of destiny together with the process of rise and fall for the Nam Myeong Academic Faction. 16세기 사림파(士林派) 등장 이후 회재(晦齋) 하서(河西) 퇴계(退溪) 남명(南冥)과 같은 학자들이 출현하면서 성리학 이해 수준을 한 단계 더 높였다. 그리고 이런 성리학자 출현으로 학통(學統)과 학맥(學脈)이 형성되었다. 영남학파의 양대 산맥인 퇴계학파나 남명학파가 생겨난 것도 그 때문이다. 이 학파들을 지역 기반에 따라 강우(江右) 학파와 강좌(江左)학파로 칭하기도 하는데, 거창의 지역 기반은 강우에 속하지만, 강우학파로 일관되게 흐른 것은 아니었다. 강좌학파를 이끌던 퇴계 이황과의 인연 때문이다. 즉, 퇴계의 장인이던 권질(權礩)이 한때 거창에 낙향했고, 거창이 낳은 선비 임훈(林薰)이 퇴계와 교유하면서 성리학의 깊이를 더 심화시켰기 때문이다. 그러나 시간이 흐르면서 거창에는 남명을 계승한 학자들이 주류를 이루었는데, 임훈의 아우 임운 외에도 남명 문도였던 덕계(德溪) 오건(吳健)에게 배운 문위·전팔고·전팔급·류중룡·정인흡 등이 거창 출신이며, 한강(寒岡)에게 배움을 청했던 문위·진식·정온 등도 남명 학통을 이어받았다 할 것이다. 아울러 동계 정온은 남명의 적전제자 정인홍 문인이었으며, 이대일·형사갑·류계룡·류중룡·문위·윤경남 등도 그 문하에서 배출되었다. 남명은 이기론(理氣論)에 입각한 성리학적 이론 심화보다는 ‘경의(敬義)’를 바탕으로 한 실천을 중요시했던 학자였다. 임란(壬亂)을 당하여 그의 제자들이 창의를 많이 했던 것도 그런 이유 때문이다. 임진왜란 당시 의병 도대장(義兵都大將) 김면(金沔)의 의병진(義兵陣)이 거창에 설치되었는데, 이 지역에는 남명의 ‘경의’ 정신을 계승한 제자들이 많았기 때문이고, 정유명·문위·성팽년·전팔고·전팔급·김신옥·유중룡 등이 그들이다. 이처럼 거창은 퇴계 학통과 남명 학통을 함께 이어가다, 시간이 흐르면서 남명 학통을 이은 다수의 학인들이 임진왜란을 당하여 의병으로 투신하는 충의의 고장으로 이름 높였다. 하지만 북인정권이 무너진 이후 남명학파가 명멸되어가던 과정과 함께 운명의 길을 걸을 수밖에 없었다.

세조의 종친 등용책과 영순군(永順君)

박홍갑 ( Park Hong Gap ) 청계사학회 2019 청계사학 Vol.21 No.-

영순군의 활약은 세조의 종친 등용책에 기인한 바가 크다. 세조는 집권 9년차부터 아종(兒宗) 정치라는 다소 파행적인 정국 운영을 하게 되었는데, 이때 가장 핵심적인 인물이 바로 영순군이었다. 당시 아종들은 승정원이 전담하던 왕명출납은 물론 국가의 중요한 의사결정이나 각종 군사 동원과 국가의례에 참여하게 되었고, “문(文)에는 영순군 무(武)에는 귀성군”이란 말이 떠돌았듯이, 세조 후반기 정국 운영의 핵심이 바로 그들이었다. 집권 전반기부터 종친들에게 의존도를 높여 가던 세조는 이시애 난을 계기로 훈구대신까지 믿지 못하는 상황으로 치닫게 되자, 영순군과 귀성군을 더욱 중용하게 되었다. 그런 상황에서 세조 시대가 종막을 고하고 새로운 세상이 열리면서 훈신들 사이의 내분까지 겹치게 되었다. 영순군이 이런 혼돈의 정국을 피하게 된 것은 짧은 생으로 마감했기 때문인데, 그가 살았더라면 어떤 희생이 강요되었을지 알 수가 없다. Yeongsun-gun's performance was largely attributed to Appointment of Royal Relatives of King Sejo(世祖). In his ninth year in office, King Sejo began running a rather disruptive political situation called subspecies politics, when the most important figure was Yeongsun-gun. At that time, the subspecies participated in the important decisions of the nation or in various military mobilization and national ceremonies, as well as the appearance of order of the king, which was exclusively occupied by Seungjeongwon(承政院). “Yeongsun-gun for Mun(文), Guiseonggun(龜城君) for Mu(武).” Just like former phrase, they were at the core of the political situation in the latter half of King Sejo’s period. King Sejo, who had been relying more on royal relatives(宗親) since in the first half of his reign, encontered the situation that because of the rebellion of Yi Si-ae, meritorious elites became distrustful and Yeongsun-gun and Guiseong-gun appointed more importantly. Under such circumstances, the reign of King Sejo came to an end and a new world was opened, leading to internal conflict among a meritorious subjects. Yeongsun-gun could avoid this chaotic political situation due to his short life, however, it is hard to tell what sacrifices he would have been forced to make if he had lived.

조선 중종조의 사민정책 변화와 그 문제점 - 자연재해와의 관련을 중심으로 -

박홍갑(Hong Gob Park) 조선시대사학회 1999 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.8 No.-

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집현전 학사 최만리의 정치활동

박홍갑(Park Hong-Gab) 한국고전번역원 2011 民族文化 Vol.- No.37

1419년 문과에 급제한 최만리는 이듬해 집현전이 창립되면서 박사(정7품)를 제수 받았고, 7년이 지난 시점에도 집현전 응교(종4품)로 활동하였다. 이 때 최만리는 현실 정치에 참여할 기회를 별로 가지지 못한 채 정책 수립을 위한 기초적 학문 연구와 경연 혹은 세자 교육에만 매진하였던 것으로 보인다. 그 후 최만리는 1431년에 전임 서연관 제도가 만들어져 1435년 폐지될 때까지 세자 사부로만 전념하였고, 이어 집현전을 이끄는 부제학에 올라 1444년 갑자상소를 계기로 낙향할 때까지 집현전을 지켰다. 순수 학술기구로 출발한 집현전이 점차 정치적 기구로 변해가던 상황과 짝 하여, 최만리도 생애 후반 10년 정도는 매우 적극적인 정치활동을 펼치고 있었다. 1437년부터 모두 15차례에 걸친 상소에서 그의 정치적 입장이 잘 드러나는데, 상소 내용이 대체로 예민한 정치사회적 문제들이었다. 이렇듯 그의 언론 활동이 생애 후반기에 집중되었던 것은 당시 권력구조나 정치적 분위기와 직결된다 하겠다. 최만리의 학문경향은 書筵을 통해 짐작할 수 있는데, 당시 세자 교육은 체와 용의 결합체인 『대학연의』를 중심으로 하되, 폭넓고 실용적인 학문까지 포함하고 있었다. 아울러 당시 집현전 학풍이 心性의 측면과 敬을 강조하는 측면이 강했고, 특히 正心과 養性을 이루는 방편으로 경을 내세우고 있었다. 따라서 최만리 역시 이와 연관된 학문 성향을 보였을 것이다. 또한 집현전 학사들의 개방적이고 실용적인 입장에서 공리를 우선으로 하는 ‘박학치지’ 강조의 학풍을 띄고 있는데, 이런 의식세계가 갑자상소에까지 영향을 미쳤을 것으로 판단된다. Choi Man-ri passed the state examination for civilian officials in A.D. 1419. He was appointed to the post of Paksa, which was of a first level position within the 7th official rank, in A.D. 1419, when the Royal Academic Institute of Jiphyeonjeon was established. He served in Jiphyeonjeon for the next 7 years and was given a post of the second level of the 4th official rank: Eunggyo. What he was mainly in charge of at the time, since he only had a few chances to participate in real politics, was doing basic academic research to frame government policies and participating in an academic seminar for the King and the Crown Prince. Academic seminars for the Crown Prince were institutionalized in A.D. 1431, and from that time until the system was repealed in A.D. 1435, Choi Man-ri served as a tutor to the Crown Prince. After that, he was appointed to the post of Bujehak, the chief official of Jiphyeonjeon, and stayed there until he left the post after presenting a petition to the King in the year of Kabja (A.D. 1444). As Jiphyeonjeon, which was established merely for academic research, was gradually changing into a political organization, Choi Man-ri was also becoming more political and spent 10 years of the latter part of his life briskly working on political activities. His political position is most strikingly revealed in those 15 petitions-mostly concerning controversial political-social issues-he submitted to the King starting in A.D 1437. The fact that his critical-political activities were mostly from the latter part of his life is related to the political atmosphere and the power structure of the time. Choi Man-ris academic tendency is revealed in the record of academic seminars he participated. The education for the Crown Prince was mainly focused on The Interpretation of Ta-shueh (『大學衍義』) which is a combination of the substance (體) and the function (用), but it also included practical studies. Jiphyeonjeon was founded by King Sejong, thus, its academic trend was unavoidably dependent on the Kings academic tendency and his governing philosophy, so Choi Man-ri also seemed to be concerned about the nature of the mind (心性) and reverence (敬). At his time, reverence was believed to be a method of achieving the right mind (正心) and cultivation of the mind (養性). The practical and uninhibited academic trend of Jiphyeonjeon scholars had a certain relationship with the academic trend of the Ming Dynasty, the trend of broad study and extension of knowledge (博學致知) in which public interests were given priority. So it is possible to say that Choi Man-ris consciousness of public opinion and public interest affected the substance of his petition to the King in the year of Kabja (A.D. 1444).

조선 명종조 충주옥 (忠州獄)의 전개와 충주사림 (忠州士林)

박홍갑(Hong Kap Park) 조선시대사학회 2001 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.17 No.-

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16세기 전반기 정국 추이와 충주사림의 피화 - 광주이씨 克堪系를 중심으로 -

박홍갑(Park Hong-Gab) 한국사학회 2005 史學硏究 Vol.- No.79

연산군 시기 두 차례의 사화에서 큰 타격을 입은 사림 세력들은 중종반정으로 다소 활기를 찾을 수 있었다. 그러나 중앙 정국은 여전히 훈구 공신들이 장악하고 있었다. 그런 가운데 훈구계 인물 중에서도 사림을 이해하는 집단이 생겨났고, 이들의 후원으로 다시금 중앙정치무대에 사림세력들이 등장할 수 있었다. 이리하여 종전의 영남사림과는 판이하게 구분되는 기호지역 인물들이 대거 등장하게 되었는데, 이때부터는 충주지역이라는 공간적 배경이 매우 주목되어야 하는 곳이다.<br/> 기호사림의 활약을 보면, 세조 무렵에 거주지를 충주로 옮긴 광주이씨 후예들의 활약이 매우 돋보였다. 이연경과 그의 6촌 이약빙 형제를 비롯한 인물들이 바로 그들인데, 그 외에도 기묘사화 이후 이자ㆍ김세필 등이 충주로 낙향하여 새로이 정착하였다. 또한 충주박씨로 출자한 박상이 당시 충주목사로 있으면서 이들과 깊이 교류하였고, 김안국은 충주와 뱃길로 맞닿아 있는 여주에 정착하여 이들과 자주 접촉하였다.<br/> 이리하여 한때 충주지역은 양명학을 가장 먼저 받아들여 그 학문적 성과를 논의하는 공간적 배경이 된 곳이어서 조선유학계의 선도 역할을 하고 있었다. 동시에 길재-김종직-김굉필-조광조로 이어져 내려오던 성리학 계보의 선상에서도 다음 세대와 연결시켜 주는 교량역할을 훌륭하게 소화했던 지역이었다. 이는 모두가 충주에 정착했던 광주이씨들의 보이지 않는 힘이 작용한 결과였다.<br/> 조선 초기 훈구파의 대명사로 알려졌던 광주이씨는 갑자사화에서 이세좌를 비롯한 일족들이 크게 화를 입었고, 중종반정이후 기호사림파가 등장하는 시기에는 사림들과 현실의식을 같이 하는 인물들이 배출되어 또 다시 화를 입었다. 이연경ㆍ이약빙ㆍ이약수 등의 인물들이 바로 그들이다.<br/> 조광조를 비롯한 기묘사림들이 몰락한 이후에는 사림들의 대응방식에 있어서 개혁의지가 뚜렷하고 성향이 분명한 인물들은 사라졌다. 다시 말해 개혁 의지 면에서 약간 희석되고 성향 면에서도 색깔이 분명하지 않은, 또 소수정예가 아닌 다수의 사림들이 활동하는 시기였다. 아울러 이 시기는 파행적인 척신정치가 이어지면서 외척들 간의 지루한 권력다툼이 이어지기도 했다.<br/> 중종 후반기에서 명종 시기에 이르는 동안 충주지역 광주이씨 계열의 활동상을 보면, 앞에서 설명한 양상과 비슷한 현상을 띠기도 한다. 충주를 기반으로 한 광주이씨 후예들 중에서 이연경과 이약빙이 대표적 인물인데 서로의 명망이 비등했다. 그리고 기묘사화로 모두 충주로 낙향해야 했지만, 그 이후 행보는 각기 달랐다. 이연경은 인종조 현량과가 복과된 뒤에도 충주에서 은거하는 자세를 견지하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 그의 문인과 종유한 인물들(노수신ㆍ이준경ㆍ심희수-외손자)은 다가오는 사림정치의 주역으로 부상하였다.<br/> 그러나 이약빙은 꾸준하게 중앙정계에 대한 미련을 버리지 않았다. 이러한 그의 현실 대응 때문에 명종 때 양재역 벽서사건이 일어나자 사사되었고, 이어서 그의 아들과 제자들이 연루된 충주옥을 야기하고 말았다. 충주옥은 소윤세력이 대윤세력 잔당을 소탕하는 마지막 사안으로 불거진 것이었는데, 충주 고을 전체가 텅 비었다 할 정도로 사림의 타격이 심했다. 그러나 선조가 즉위한 후 화를 입었던 자들이 모두 신원되었듯이, 사림정치가 꽃을 피우게 되자 충주사림에 대한 재평가도 동시에 이루어지게 되었다. Salim played active parts in the first half of 16th century in Chosun Dynasty. By the way, Chungju is meaningful, in that Salim had their bases more and more in Chunju. People who had been damaged from Kimyosawha under the 14th year of Jungjong dominion, gathered in Chungju. We might call those people Chungju Salim, for instance, Lee Yeonkyoung, Lee Yakbing, Lee Ja, Kim Sepil, Pak Sang, etc., They discussed about advanced studies of China, getting ready for a new period. Two of them were typical of Chungju Salim, who gained similar reputations. They had to retire to their native place, Chungju, after Kimyosawha, but their lives after that were different.<br/> Lee Yeonkyoung lived a retired life in quiet. Nonetheless, his disciples started to play leading parts in the politics of Salim.<br/> However, Lee Yakbing was unwilling to resign from major politics. As a result, he was caught up in political events.<br/> Furthermore, his son and all of his disciples were caught up in 'ChunjuOk (충주옥)' and were damaged. 'ChungjuOk' was an event which Soyun(소윤) set up to eliminate Dayun(대윤).<br/> The damage was so severe that Chungju became nearly empty.<br/> However, people who had been damaged proved to be innocent right after Seonjo's(선조) accession to the throne.<br/> Furthermore, as the politics of Salim opened up, Chungju Salim was revaluated.

경주노씨 성립과 그 일파의 선산지역 정착과정

박홍갑(Park Hong-gab) 역사실학회 2006 역사와실학 Vol.31 No.-

Genealogy is necessary in understanding family names. However, genealogy doesn't represent things as they really are. The Kyeongju (Ankang) Rohs started to entitling their ancestors emperor and compiled genealogies from the late Joseon dynasty. Remaining various kinds of materials about people were made mostly in this period, and it was the same to other families. Therefore, when the Kyeongju Rohs started to compile their genealogy, there was no material about their progenitor and their ancestors. So they had no choice but to compile their genealogy making the brothers, Jongseon(從善) and Heeseon(禧善) as Kyeongju Roh I, who were born during the reign of Sejong. Their genealogy shows that Jongseon brothers who are revered as Kyeongju Roh I moved from Angang(안강) to Sunsan after the reign of Sejo. But the truth is that the Angang Rohs(안강노씨) were previously settled in Suns an. Because Roh-ho(노호), who passed civil service examination in the first year of Sejong, was from Angang and had lived in southern Suns an. Other than that, there was a party of the Kyeongju Rohs who settled in Sangju(상주), and they seem to have settled in Sangju leaving from Angang before the late Goryeo. Five members of the Angang Rohs-Roh Jongseon(노종선), Roh Suham(노수함), Roh Kyeongpil(노경필), Roh Kyeong-im(노경임) and Roh ho(노호) -were mentioned in the Seonsan's 『Ilseonji(一善誌)』, which seems to had been published during the reign of lord Gwanghae(광해군). Therefore, The Angang Rohs who moved to Seonsan must have had some interests in Yangban society. Their descendents actively held official positions -civil and military positons -, and maintained their stature by promoting friendly relations with Seonbi(classical scholars) in the neighborhood. Roh Suham who passed Jinsasi(진사시 ; classical literature examination in the Joseon Dynasty) married a daughter of Jangyeol(장열), who was Yijopanseo(이조판서; minister in the Joseon Dynasty) and also the father of Jang Hyeon-guang(장현광). Among his six sons, the first and the second son had no successors, and the third son, Kyeongpil(경필) and the fifth son, Kyeong-yun(경윤) and the sixth son, Kyeong-im(경임) founded their house greatly. That's the reason why the three major factions are the main current of the Kyeongju Rohs, and most of them have been living in the neighborhood around Seonsan. These families have had hard times after Japanese[Hideyoshi's] invasion of Korea in 1592, but after the reign of Yeongjo(영조), they made it an occasion to found their house, turning out many high level military officials, like Roh Kyejeong(노계정) and Roh Sangchu(노상추), who arc the descendents of Roh Kyoungpil.

조선후기 광주이씨 창시보와 합동계보 -경술보(1610)와 갑진보(1724)를 중심으로-

朴洪甲 ( Park Honggab ) 한국계보연구회 2017 한국계보연구 Vol.7 No.-

조선시대의 명문들 중에는 고려 말부터 두각을 나타낸 가문들이 많았다. 고려 말 둔촌(遁村) 이집(李集)이 벼슬길에 올라 현달한 인물이 됨으로써 오늘날 광주이씨를 있게 했다. 그리하여 이집은 광주이씨 시조로 까지 추앙되고 있는 실정이다. 특히 이집의 손자였던 이인손(李仁孫)과 그의 아들 5형제가 나란히 정승과 판서를 역임하면서 당대 최고의 명문으로 우뚝 섰다. 가계기록인 족보의 초간본(初刊本)인 창시보(創始譜)는 대개 현달한 계파 후손 중에서 특정 인물이 주도하여 만든다. 1610년에 간행된 광주 이씨 경술보(庚戌譜)도 영의정을 지낸 이준경(李浚慶)의 손자 이사수(李士修)의 노력으로 인쇄된 것이다. 그런데 경술보는 외손을 과감하게 제외하는 동성보(同姓譜)였다는 특징을 보인다. 종법(宗法) 제도가 정착되지 않았던 당시로는 매우 파격적인 족보 형태였다. 여기에다 둔촌 이집의 방계는 동성별보(同姓別譜)를 첨부하여 싣고 있다는 특징도 보인다. 그런 한편, 간행을 주도한 이사수 직계 선조들의 이력사항들은 분량이나 내용 면에서 매우 풍부하다. 또한 자손 등재 방식의 경우에도 선남후녀(先男後女) 방식이 아니라 출생 순이었고, 아울러 서출(庶出) 표기, 양자를 들이는 관행 등은 동 시대의 관례와 비슷한 양상을 보여준다. 따라서 조선시대 초기 족보에서 중·후기 족보로 넘어가는 과도기 상황을 잘 보여주고 있다. 그런데 한 세기가 더 흘러 1724년에 간행된 갑진보(甲辰譜)는 각 파조(派祖)를 중시하는 체제로 옮겨갔다. 이는 각 지파별 공동 작업의 노력으로 결실을 맺은 합동계보였음을 의미한다. 또한 동성보에서 벗어나 외손을 2대로 한정하여 등재하는 일반적인 관례를 수용하고 있다. 갑진보의 특징은 별록(別錄)을 첨부하여, 당시 계파별 계보인식이 달라 첨예하게 대립하고 있던 문제점과 의견들을 정리해 놓고 있다는 점이다. 이에 대한 내용은 지면 관계상 제외하였다. The majority of renowned families during the Joseon period became prominent in the late Goryeo period. An eminent politician in the late Goryeo period named Dunchon Lee Jip had a successful career in the government and his family as a result acquired durable fame, as well. Therefore, he now is even regarded as the founder of the Gwangju Lee family. As Lee Jip's grandson Lee Yinson and his five brothers all served as the state councilor and minister, the family became the most flourishing family of the time. The first publication of a genealogy which is called Changsibo (Ch. 創始譜) in Korean is usually led by eminent descendent of a family. The first genealogy of the Gwangju Lee family published in gyeongsul year (1610) was a work of a former chief state councilor Lee Jungyeong's grandson Lee Sasu. The Gyeongsul Genealogy can be regarded as a unique example of a genealogy from the time because it only contains patrilineal information. The patriarchal clan system was not established thoroughly at the time. And the fact that the record of Lee Jip's collateral line is contained in a separate annex is also remarkable. However, there are abundant records of the direct ancestors of Lee Sasu in the genealogy. And the names of the family members were listed according to birth order so that male names were not written before female names. The notations of bastardy and adopted sons were marked on the list agreeable to the custom of those days. These features show that The Gyeongsul Genealogy reflects the transitional change of a genealogy between the early Joseon and the mid-late Joseon periods. In the following century, another genealogy from the Gwangju Lee family was published in gapjin year (1724). The fact that The Gapjin Genealogy adopted the system of putting stress on the founder of a family sect means it was a comprehensive genealogy that was published by a collaborated work of various family sects of the Gwangju Lee family. It also contained matrilineage of two generations according to the general custom of the time. The distinguishing feature of The Gapjin Genealogy is that the book recorded various perceptions of the pedigree of each family sect in a separate annex and it gives The Gapjin Genealogy a great historical significance. Following studies on this book is anticipated.