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조선 후기 회화와 카메라 옵스큐라 - 西洋異物에 대한 문화적 호기심의 양상
장진성 동악미술사학회 2013 東岳美術史學 Vol.0 No.15
조선 후기에 일어난 다양한 문화적 변화 중 하나는 見聞과 지식의 확대 현상이라고 할 수 있다. 18세기에극도로 번성한 청나라의 수도인 北京에 건너 간 조선의 지식인들은 상이한 세계관, 종교, 기술, 정치 및 경제체제, 풍습, 지리, 생물, 생활방식에 관심을 가지게 되었으며 이러한 문화적 호기심은 견문 및 지식의 확대로이어졌다. 조선 후기 회화의 특징 중 하나인 서양화법의 수용 또한 당시 서양화에 대한 문화적 호기심 속에서발생한 새로운 시각경험과 밀접하게 관련되어 있다. 서양화법에 대한 관심 및 수용과 관련하여 보다 흥미로운 사실은 서양의 광학 기구인 카메라 옵스큐라(camera obscura)의 원리가 18세기 후반 조선에 알려졌다는 점이다. 조선 후기 초상화 양식의 변화에 끼친 카메라 옵스큐라의 영향에 대한 최근 연구는 서양의 광학 기구에대한 당시의 문화적 충격과 호기심의 양상을 알려주고 있어 주목된다. 丁若鏞(1762~1836년)은 카메라 옵스큐라를 직접 만들어 기이한 광학 현상을 목도하게 되었는데 그의 .漆室觀畵說.은 카메라 옵스큐라에 대한그의 관심을 극명하게 보여준다. .칠실관화설.은 어두운 방인 漆室에 구멍을 뚫고 그 곳에 안경알 하나를 설치한 후 그 구멍을 통해 들어온 빛이 만들어낸 벽에 거꾸로 투사된 신비로운 풍경에 대한 시각적 체험을 기술한 것이다. 李基讓(1744~1802년) 또한 카메라 옵스큐라에 깊은 관심을 보였다. 이기양은 정약용의 형인 丁若銓(1758~1816년)의 집에 漆室..眼이라고 불린 카메라 옵스큐라를 설치하고 어떤 화가로 하여금 자신의 초상화 초본을 그리게 하였다. 이것은 조선 후기에 카메라 옵스큐라를 사용해 초상화 초본을 제작한 사실을 알려주고 있어 흥미롭다. 중국에 카메라 옵스큐라의 원리가 알려진 것은 아무리 늦어도 1690년대라고 생각된다. 徐乾學(1631~1694년)의 .西洋鏡箱.은 상자형 카메라 옵스큐라에 대한 글이다. 중국의 경우 기하학적 원리, 투시원근법,오목 . 볼록렌즈의 사용 원리, 광학적 지식, 카메라 옵스큐라의 수용 등이 확인되고 있지만 현재 남아있는 중국 그림 중에 카메라 옵스큐라를 활용해서 그린 작품은 단 한 점도 확인되고 있지 않다. 이런 현상을 어떻게설명할 수 있을까? 이것은 다름 아닌 당시 중국에서 정밀한 렌즈를 만들 수 없었기 때문이다. 전근대 유럽에서도 고품질의 렌즈는 생산되지 못했다. 질이 나쁜 렌즈로는 정확한 빛의 투사 이미지를 만들어 낼 수 없다. 따라서 중국의 경우 비록 카메라 옵스큐라가 소개되었다고 해도 우수한 질의 렌즈가 없었기 때문에 카메라옵스큐라의 성능은 매우 낮았다. 서양의 예수회선교사 중 궁정화가로 활동한 어떤 화가들도 카메라 옵스큐라를 활용해 그림을 그린 정황은 현재까지 발견되지 않는다. 한편 일본의 경우도 카메라 옵스큐라의 원리는소개되었지만 카메라 옵스큐라를 사용해 그림을 그렸을 가능성은 매우 희박하다. 우타가와 토요히로(歌川.廣, 1773~1828년)가 그린 한 삽화에는 암실형 카메라 옵스큐라의 원리가 잘 설명되어 있다. 이 판화에서살펴 볼 수 있듯이 에도시대에 카메라 옵스큐라의 작동 원리는 상당히 많은 사람들에게 알려졌다. 그러나 서양의 광학 지식 및 카메라 옵스큐라에 대한 소개가 있었음에도 불구하고 현재 카메라 옵스큐라를 이용해 제작된 에도시대 그림은 알려진 것이 없다. 서양의 일점투시도법을 활용한 판화인 ‘우키에(浮繪)’가 다수 제작된 것은 에도시대에 서양의 원근법이 적용된 판화와 그림들이 큰 인기를 얻었음을 알려준다. ‘아키타 란가(秋田蘭畵)’의 경우 서양의 명암법, 원근법, 유화 기법이 적극적으로 활용된 에도시대의 대표적인 ‘洋風畵’라고 할 수 있다. 그러나 우키에와 아키타 란가의 발전에도 불구하고 에도시대에 카메라 옵스큐라로 제작된그림은 현재까지 보고된 바가 없다. 결국 중국과 마찬가지로 일본에서도 카메라 옵스큐라의 작동 원리는 소개되었지만 실제로 이 광학 기구가 그림 제작에는 활용되지 못했다. 그 이유는 아마도 카메라 옵스큐라를 제대로 작동시키는데 필요한 정교한 렌즈가 부재했기 때문으로 생각된다. 정약용이 비록 암실형 카메라 옵스큐라를 만들고 실험했지만 당시 조선에서 양질의 렌즈가 전혀 만들어지지 않았던 상황을 고려해 보면 과연 그가 어두운 방에서 본 형상이 얼마나 사실적이었는지 상당한 의문이든다. 姜世晃(1713~1791년)의 .眼鏡說.은 18세기 후반 조선의 광학 기술 수준을 정확히 알려주는 글로써주목된다. 강세황에 따르면 당시 조선에서는 유리로 된 안경알조차 제작할 수 없는 상황이었다. 따라서 정교한 렌즈의 부재는 18세기 후반에 조선에서 카메라 옵스큐라가 그림 제작에 활용되었을 가능성이 거의 없음을 알려준다. 한편 1787년에 李命基(1756~1802년 이후)가 그린 <兪彦鎬肖像>이 카메라 옵스큐라를 사용해 제작된 작품일 가능성이 최근 제기되었다. 그런데 이 그림에 보이는 화문석 위에 나타난 그림자의 모습은<유언호초상>이 카메라 옵스큐라를 사용해 그린 작품이 아니라는 것을 절대적으로 증명해주는 시각적 증거이다. 그림자 표현은 자연 광선 하에서 형성된 그림자를 그린 것으로 카메라 옵스큐라를 사용할 경우 그림자가 벽이나 종이에 나타나지 않는다. 카메라 옵스큐라를 통해 형성된 이미지는 모두 희미하고 불투명한 상태였으며 양질의 렌즈가 사용되지 않을 경우 불투명성은 현저히 증가한다. 결국 카메라 옵스큐라에 대한 이해는 결코 과학적 또는 근대적 사실주의의 발전을 의미하지 않는다. 암실형 카메라 옵스큐라를 통해 형성된 환상적인 이미지를 보고 정약용과 같은 인물들이 경탄한 것은 광학 기구를 통해 이루어진 신비롭고 기이한 시각체험과 관련된다. 즉 평생 처음 보는 서양의 기이한 물건인 ‘西洋異物’에 대한 그들의 경탄과 호기심은 대단했다. 그러나 이러한 경이로운 시각체험이 곧 근대적 사실주의로 나아가는 첩경은 아니었다. 카메라 옵스큐라에 대한 과장된 해석은 결국 ‘虛像’의 미술사를 만들어낼 뿐 아니라 역사적 실상을 왜곡할 수도 있다. 역사적 실상은 오직 객관적인 사실을 통해서만 파악될 수 있다. The historical precursor to the modern camera, the camera obscura (from the Latin, 멶ark room? relies on the principle that light travels in straight lines. If a pinhole is placed in the door of a darkened chamber, the light from the outside will pass through the hole and project an upside-down image of the scene outside onto the wall opposite the hole. The use of a lens in place of the small hole or pinhole made the camera obscura a better device. As an optical and scientific device for capturing and projecting visual images, the camera obscura gained popularity among artists and scientists. David Hockney has argued in his controversial book Secret Knowledge: Rediscovering the Lost Techniques of the Old Masters that the camera obscura and other visual devices played a significant role in the development of realism in European painting and many painters including Johannes Vermeer (1632~1675) used the camera obscura actively in the making of their works. Knowledge of the camera obscura and the device itself had been introduced in Qing China, Edo Japan, and Joseon Korea by the late eighteenth century and attracted much attention as a source of novelty and amusement. This paper explores how the camera obscura was introduced and used and how the public knowledge of the optical device laid the foundation for new visual culture in eighteenth-century East Asia. After the Manchu conquest of China in 1644, the Jesuits continued to serve the new rulers. They brought to the court scientific instruments that were used in calendar reforms, astronomical observations, and geographical explorations. The account of a 밯estern mirror box (Xiyang jingxiang)?by the high official and imperial advisor Xu Qianxue (1631~1694) is the most specific evidence proving that the camera obscura had been introduced to the Kangxi (r. 1662~1722) court before Xu's death in 1694. Despite the introduction of the camera obscura, none of the Qing court paintings that were made with the help of the instrument has been known. This means that the camera obscura was perhaps partially used as a visual aid in the creation of a painting. Although the public knowledge of the camera obscura was widely circulated, the practical use of the instrument was extremely limited. By the end of the eighteenth century, the Japanese were better acquainted with European culture and civilization than the people of any non-Western country. The rise of Dutch Learning (Rangaku), and by extension Western learning, played a significant role in the transformation of Japanese culture and society and in the change of 266Japanese attitudes towards foreign countries. Nagasaki served as entry port for artistic inspiration. Vanishing point perspective came to characterize prints and maps, and experiments with copper plates gained popularity. Shiba Kokan (1747~1818) was one of the pioneers of Western-style painting, who saw Western empiricism as an agent of modernization. The interesting characteristic of Kokan's art is that he developed a landscape theme for megane-e (optical paintings viewed through a special device). The camera obscura had been widely known to Japanese scholars and painters by the end of the eighteenth century. It was called an 밶uthenticity-copying lens.?Shiba Kokan described the box as 밶 contrivance to depict scenery so as to make it look to viewers as if they were actually walking through the place.?That Kokan had some great interest in the camera obscura in relation to his art is undeniable. But, there is no proof that Kokan either traced or copied his compositions directly from the projected image of the camera obscura. None of the Japanese paintings showing the use of the camera obscura has survived. Eighteenth-century Korea witnessed the great enthusiasm for practical learning (silhak) which influenced all branches of literature and the arts. Practical learning was inseparable from empirical scholarship that sanctioned new, precise methods by which to understand the past and conceptualize the present. Two of the textual records of the camera obscura have survived to date. The records are filled with the author's amazement at the optical principle of the camera obscura. Knowledge of the camera obscura was introduced to Korea by envoys to China during the eighteenth century. Some scholars attempted to construct dark rooms to experiment with the optical principle of the camera obscura. One notable example is found in Jeong Yagyong's (1762~1836) record of his and Yi Giyang's (1744~1802) experiments with the camera obscura. Sometime in the mid-1780s, Jeong set up a room-type camera obscura to see how the projected upside-down image forms in a dark room. Yi also constructed a room-type camera obscura at the home of Jeong's brother and asked a painter to draw a portrait of him by tracing an inverted image of him projected on the wall. This record is of great interest in that the camera obscura was actively employed in the making of a portrait. Nonetheless, it is still difficult to determine whether eighteenth-century Korean painters actually employed the camera obscura in the creation of landscapes and portraits. One of the reasons to argue against the painter's possible use of the camera obscura is that good mirrors and lenses were not available in eighteenth-century Korea. The effective function of a camera obscura depends on the combination of a concave mirror and a convex lens that produced a clear image. The late eighteenth-century scholar-official Gang Sehwang (1713~1791) wrote of the low quality of lenses for spectacles. He mentioned that good lenses are required for the making of telescopes and spectacles and that while the Chinese learned from Westerners how to make glasses and lenses, the Koreans did not know how to make them. According to Gang, none of the Koreans of his time knew the method of making glasses and lenses. Given that the effective function of a camera obscura relies heavily on the quality of a concave mirror and a convex lens, it is hard to imagine that the eighteenth-century Korean camera obscura was good enough to be used in the making of paintings. The wonders and marvels found in Jeong's records .. .. ... ... .... / ... show late eighteenth-century Koreans' amazement at and curiosities about the 뱒trange things from the West (Seoyang yimul)."
장진성,전정일,현정오 ( Chin Sung Chang,Jeong Ill Jeon,Jung Oh Hyun ) 한국산림과학회 1997 한국산림과학회지 Vol.86 No.3
Ten total populations of Korean fir (Abies koreana Wilson) and Manshurian fir [A. nephrolepis (Traut.) Maxim.] were sampled from south Korea to investigate patterns of intraspecific variation in these species and to evaluate a recognition of the two species. Principal components analysis and cluster analysis were performed both on seed-cone data and on needle morphology data. The characters that contributed most to the separation between A. koreana and A. nephrolepis along three principal components axis were leaf width, length of seed, width of seed wing, length of seed wing, cone width, width of scale, and length of bract tip, but these characters were not diagnostic because of overlap in reality. Therefore, all these characters were not reliable in distinguishing these two taxa including bract position (exerted and recurved vs. exerted and straight). The individuals of A. koreana from Mt. Chi-ri appeared quite unique probably on account of its larger cone size and longer scale tip, while those from Mt. Hal-la of A. koreana were generally distinct from others in terms of their larger seed and seed wing and longer scale width. The Mt. Duk-yu specimens of A. korecana appeared somewhat smaller but more data were needed due to the small sampling size. Generally, the gradual clinal geographic trends made evident by the position of resin ducts in leaves of A. koreana can be detected. The southern populations, Mt. Hal-la (an insular population) were generally distinct from the northern populations (Mt. Chi-ri, Mt. Ga-ya and Mt. Duk-yu) in terms of their position of resin duct (medial, within mesophyll vs marginal, close to epidermis : 100% vs 75 or 50%). Although no sharp boundary separating these two species could be detected based on cone and needle morphology, the observed clinal pattern was distinct in northern populations of A. koreana and southern population of A. nephrnlepis. In a preceding study of the flavonoids variation of 20 species in eastern Asia, flavanone (5-deoxyflavanone) was found to be characteristic of A. faxoniana Rehder et Wilson, A. georgei Orr of China and A. koreana of Korea. A. faxoniana, which is assumed to be primitive species, has position of resin duct relative to both the medial and the marginal, while A. georgei and A. koreana rrre identified by marginal position of resin duct. With respect of foliar flavonoids c:emistry, A. koreana was distinct from A. nephrolepis : the southmost samples (Mt. Hal-la and Mt. Chiri) contained additional flavonoids derivatives (mainly flavanone) that were not found in the northmost samples of A. nephrolepis except a few individuals from Mts. Seo-rak and Tae-bak populations of Kwang-won province. The presence of A. koreana type flavonoids in two Chinese species suggested that position of resin duct may be a phyletic character. Abies koreana including two Chinese taxa, exhibited the most elaborate and specialized flavonoids profile within the Abies in eastern Asia. Contrary to our initial expectations, the apparent intermediates between A. nephrolepis and A. koreana in Duk-yu and Ga-ya mountains were found. The pattern of variation on position of resin duct and flavonoids chemistry in these populations of A. kareana suggested that genetic interchange or natural hybridization had occurred between these two species. The evidence needed to resolve the status of this taxon is still inconclusive in our opinion until intermediate individuals from Mts. Duk-yu and. Ga-ya show indication of hybridization between the two species.
동아시아 회화사와 그림의 國籍 문제: 高麗·朝鮮時代 傳稱 회화작품에 대한 재검토
장진성 한국미술연구소 2010 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.30
동아시아회화사라는 학문적 영역의 구축을 위해서는 몇 가지 선결과제가 있다. 동아시아회화사라는 미술사적 개념이 동아시아 삼국의 회화적 발전을 거시적인 차원에서 파악하는데 필요하다면 먼저 왜 이러한 학문적 범주의 설정이 필요하며 아울러 그 내용은 무엇인가를 규명할 필요가 있다. 중국회화사, 한국회화사, 일본회화사를 단순히 기계적으로 통합하여 동아시아회화사라는 범주를 만드는 것은 동아시아회화사를 구성하는 실체가 무엇인지를 규명하지 못할 경우 공허한 개념에 불과하게 될 것이다. 그러나 동아시아회화사라는 학문적 범주를 정확하게 설정하지 못한다고 하더라도 동아시아적 시각에서 중국, 한국, 일본의 회화 전통을 이해하는 것은 매우 중요하다. 특히 국적이 불분명한 회화 작품을 연구할 때 동아시아적 시각은 절대적인 가치와 의미를 지닌다. 현재까지 국적이 모호하고 회화사의 일반적인 흐름에서 이탈한 ‘境界性 그림’들은 상당수 존재한다. 이러한 그림들은 정확하게 동아시아 삼국 중 어느 나라의 그림들인지 확정하기 어려운 작품들이다. 특히 국적이 모호한 그림들 중 문제가 되는 것은 한국 그림으로 전칭되는 작품들이다. 현재 한국 그림으로 전칭되는 작품들 중 상당수는 어떤 특정한 이유에서 한국 그림으로 전칭된 작품들이 아니다. 전형적인 중국 그림도 아니며 일본 그림도 아닌 것처럼 여겨질 경우 한국 그림으로 추정되어 왔다. 즉 非전형적 중국 및 일본 그림=한국 그림이라는 매우 기이한 등식이 성립되어 왔던 것이다. 그러나 해당 작품을 면밀하게 살펴볼 경우 이 등식의 恣意性을 곧 발견하게 된다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 한국 그림으로 전칭되어 온 작품들을 중심으로 그림의 국적 규명에 있어 동아시아적 시각의 필요성을 검토해 보고자 한다. 동아시아회화사라는 거대 범주를 설정하기에 앞서 동아시아 삼국 모두에 관건이 되는 ‘경계성 그림,’ 특히 한국 그림으로 전칭되어 온 작품들을 통해 동아시아회화사의 가능성을 타진해 보고자 한다. 고연휘(高然暉) 필 <하경산수도>와 <동경산수도>, 京都國立博物館 소장의 <하경산수도>와 <동경산수도>, 京都 相國寺 소장의 <동경산수도(冬景山水圖)>는 모두 중국의 지방 화가가 그린 그림을 한국 그림으로 오인하는 과정에서 국적이 혼동된 예들이라고 할 수 있다. 먼저 고연휘 필 <하경산수도>와 <동경산수도>의 경우 고연휘에 대해서는 원대 미법산수화의 대가인 고극공(高克恭, 1248-1310)의 자(字)인 ‘언경(彦敬)’이 고연휘의 ‘연휘’로 와전(訛傳)되었다는 의견, 즉 고언경과 고연휘는 같은 인물로 고극공이 고연휘로 잘못 알려졌다는 견해가 주류를 이루어 왔으며 아울러 고연휘의 경우 중국 측 기록에 보이고 있지 않아 한국 화가로 추정하는 견해가 제기되어 왔다. 그러나 이러한 견해는 모두 신빙할 수 없는 추정에 불과하며 고연휘는 중국측 문헌기록에 보이지 않는 일전(逸傳) 화가로 보는 것이 합리적이다. 한편 고연휘 필 <하경산수도>와 <동경산수도>의 경우 양식적으로 대진(戴進)의 화풍을 기초로 다른 절파화가들의 화풍이 혼합되어 있는 양상을 보여준다. 즉 <하경산수도>와 <동경산수도>는 절파계 그림으로 대진과 15세기 절파화풍을 바탕으로 했지만 양식적으로 매우 퇴화(退化)된 양상을 보여주며 <동경산수도>에서 볼 수 있듯이 후기 절파적 특징도 포함하고 있어 대체적으로 16세기 전반 경... The concept of East Asian painting is of great importance in understanding the artistic interaction among China, Korea, and Japan. It is significant to examine the complex ways in which Chinese, Korea, and Japanese paintings shared the common styles, techniques, themes beyond their indigenous developments. The shared commonness of East Asian painting, however, poses an important problem: the issue of nationality for a group of paintings. There are, in fact, numerous paintings that have nationality problems. It is sometimes extremely difficult to decide the country to which those paintings belong. This essay examines the paintings that have long been considered Korean paintings. Summer Landscape and Winter Landscape, now in the Konchi-in, Kyoto, attributed to a certain Yuan-period painter Gao Ranhui, has been thought to be Koryŏ-period paintings. The name of the painter is not mentioned in any Chinese textual source. His name is found only in Japanese texts. There has been a debate over the nationality of Gao Ranhui and the landscapes. Gao Ranhui has been considered the same person as the eminent painter Gao Kegong. He has been even assumed to be a Korean painter of the Koryŏ period. In style, Summer Landscape and Winter Landscape is close to paintings by Dai Jin, Zhu Duan, Xie Huan, and Li Zai in terms of style, composition, and the depiction of rocks and trees. While the landscapes show clearly some of the stylistic hallmarks of the Chinese Zhe school, there is no extant Korean painting that is similar in style to them. In all likelihood, Summer Landscape and Winter Landscape were painted by a Chinese local painter who was active in the first half of the sixteenth century, working in the manner of Dai Jin and later Zhe school masters. Summer Landscape and Winter Landscape, currently in the Kyoto National Museum, have also been attributed to a certain sixteenth-century Korean painter. There is no evidence for such attribution. It is only based on the belief that these paintings do not appear to be Chinese. The assumption is that if these paintings are not Chinese, they are probably Korean. This is, in fact, a groundless conjecture that does not have any solid evidence. The composition of Winter Landscape is, however, shows a striking similarity to that of Winter Landscape by Dai Jin, now in the Kikuya family collection. There is none of the characteristics of sixteenth-century Korean paintings found in the Kyoto National Museum landscapes. Both landscapes appear to have been painted by a Chinese local painter emulating the styles of Dai Jin. Winter Landscape in the Sokokuji Temple, Kyoto, is another case. It has been attributed to either the Yuan dynasty painter Zhang Yuan or a certain Yuan-period Chinese painter working in the styles of Li Tang and Xia Gui. It has also been attributed to a certain Korean painter of the late Koryŏ or early Chosŏn period. The composition and brushwork of Winter Landscape are close to those of Winter Landscape of the Khōtō-in landscapes attributed to Li Tang and Fishing Village in Evening Glow by Muqi, now in the Nezu Museum. Many issues of nationality in East Asian painting remain unresolved. It is time to rethink and reexamine paintings whose nationality is still questionable.
전 안견 필 〈설천도〉와 조선 초기 절파 화풍의 수용 양상
장진성 미술사와 시각문화학회 2019 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.24 No.-
This essay explores how the early Zhe School manner was introduced and received in 15th- and 16th-century Korea by closely examining the style and theme of Snowy Sky attributed to the great master An Gyeon (active ca. 1440-1470), now in the National Museum of Korea. Snowy Sky is currently included in an album of paintings by various painters both Chinese and Korean. The painting shows a bleak winter landscape at dusk with a twisting and turning mountain, an empty pavilion, buildings under pines, and distant peaks. The lonely and desolate atmosphere, the cold weather, and the evening sky and landscape blanketed by snow in Snowy Sky strongly recall the scene of “River and Sky in Evening Snow” or “River and Sky, Evening Snow,” one of the “Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers.” In style, this painting bears a striking similarity to “River and Sky in Evening Snow,” one leaf from the Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers album, attributed to An Gyeon, in the National Museum of Korea. In all likelihood, Snowy Sky, once part of the Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers album, has been transmitted as a single landscape painting since the album was split up. As a result, the painting has lost its identity as one of the “Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers.” It is interesting to note that the sharply defined and angular peaks in the distance in Snowy Sky are often found in landscape paintings by early Zhe school masters such as Dai Jin (1388-1462). The landscape motif is one of the stylistic hallmarks of Dai Jin. Although An Gyeon’s stylistic influence is clearly manifested in Snowy Sky, the appearance of Dai Jin’s pictorial manner is noteworthy. Snowy Sky shows the transition from the dominance of the An Gyeon School manner to the growing popularity of the Chinese Zhe School style. 현재 국립중앙박물관에 소장되어 있는 안견(安堅, 15세기 중반에 주로 활동) 전칭(傳稱)의 〈설천도(雪天圖)〉는 흑백 도판으로 소개되었을 뿐 그동안 전혀 학술적으로 논의되지 못했다. 이 그림 옆에 붙어 있는 별지(別紙)에는 안견의 이름이 적혀 있다. 한편 화면 오른쪽 중간의 가장자리 부분에는 ‘안견(安堅)’이라는 도장이 찍혀 있다. 이 도장은 후날(後捺)된 것이다. 〈설천도〉는 안견의 진작(眞作)은 아니지만 조선 초기 안견파 산수화의 전형적인 양식적 특징인 편파이단구도(偏頗 二段構圖)와 단선점준(短線點皴)을 뚜렷하게 보여주고 있다. 〈설천도〉는 구도, 경물 표현 방식, 모티프들에 있어 국립중앙박물관 소장의 《소상팔경도(瀟湘八景 圖)》 중 〈강천모설도(江天暮雪圖)〉와 매우 흡사하다. 따라서 〈설천도〉는 단순히 겨울 풍경을 그린 동경산수도(冬景山水圖)가 아니라 소상팔경(瀟湘八景) 중 한 장면인 ‘강천모설(江天暮雪)’을 그린 〈강천모설도〉라고 생각된다. 이 그림은 《소상팔경도》 화첩 중 1엽이었는데 화첩이 해체되면서 단독 그림으로 유전(流傳)되어 후대에 〈설천도〉로 명명되었다. 한편 화면 오른쪽 상단에 보이는 끝이 뾰족하고 각이 진 첨형(尖形) 원산(遠山)은 대진(戴進, 1388-1462) 및 전기(前期) 절파 (浙派) 화가들의 산수화에 자주 등장하는 모티프이다. 조선 초기 산수화 작품들 중 대진 화풍의 특징인 원경에 배치된 첨형 암봉들이 나타난 최초의 예는 전(傳) 안견 필(筆) 〈사시팔경도(四時八景圖)〉의 ‘만동(晩冬)’이다. 〈설천도〉를 포함해 16 세기 전반에 제작된 산수화 작품들 중에는 첨형 암봉을 보여주는 몇 가지 예가 존재한다. 첨형 암봉은 대진 화풍이 15세기 후반에 조선에 소개된 후 16세기 전반에 점차적으로 확산되고 있었음을 보여주는 시각적 증거이다. 결국 〈설천도〉는 안견파 화풍에서 절파 화풍으로 전환되던 과도기적 화풍의 양상을 명료하게 보여주는 작품이다.
장진성,오석환,노태성 대한기계학회 2014 JOURNAL OF MECHANICAL SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Vol.28 No.11
Interior ballistics are completed in tens of milliseconds, as are all gun-firing phenomena. Thus, some data cannot be measured directlythrough experimentation. Therefore, such complex gun-firing phenomena are traditionally clarified by numerical analysis. In the twophaseflow of interior ballistics, interphase drag has a strong effect on propellant particle movement. This drag is a momentum sink in thegas phase and a corresponding source of momentum for the solid phase. Previous studies have calculated the drag force on the propellantparticles using Ergun’s empirical equation, which was developed for a dense bed and relates the drag to the pressure drop through porousmedia. However, the particulate bed is fluidized in the course of the cycle of interior ballistics, thus indicating that the flow field is transientwith regions of high Reynolds number beyond the range of experimental data. The Ergun equation is examined through a compensationstudy and calibrated based on the Reynolds number using the numerical method. Moreover, the influence of different drag modelson flow behavior and propellant movement in interior ballistics is analyzed.
장진성 미술사와 시각문화학회 2009 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.8 No.-
Kang Hui-an's (1419-1464) Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water, now in the National Museum of Korea, is considered the earliest extant painting in the manner of the Zhe school. It is also a fine example showing the difficulty of defining the origins of the Korean Zhe school. Kang Hui-an is one of the pioneers of the Korean Zhe school introducing a new landscape style to the Korean art world when An Kyon's Li-Guo-inspired landscape manner was predominant. He was a literati painter, active during the reign of King Sejong, who excelled in painting, calligraphy, and poetry. This painting depicts a scholar-recluse crouched upon a rock and watching water for contemplation, set against a large cliff. The water reeds at the bottom of the painting and the bushes trailing from the cliff in the background add a lyrical dimension to the landscape. In composition, Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water is extremely close to Zhang Lu's Fisherman Under a Cliff, in the Go?koku-ji, Japan, in terms of the placement of a figure under an overhanging large cliff with bushes looming out. Although the broad and sweeping brushwork, the marked contrasts between light and dark for the definition of sharp-edged rock surfaces, the immediate sense of time and space, and the tightly focused composition found in Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water are characteristic of Zhang Lu's pictorial manner, the painting predates the Chinese master's work. In other words, that Zhang Lu was born after Kang Huˇi-an makes it difficult to date the painting. It must be noted, however, that the bold and The Authorship and Date of Kang Huˇ i-an's Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water Revisited broad brushwork, the deep ink tonalities, the theme of a lone scholar finding spiritual retreat in nature, and the juxtaposition of strong verticals at one side (the cliff) and horizontals on the other (water) in composition show the strong influence of the Southern Song Academy styles exemplified by such masters as Ma Yuan as well as the main interpreters of their style in the Zhe school. The introspective mood and lyrical atmosphere, the presence of a scholar, leaning on a boulder by a stream under a sheer cliff with branches and foliage by a stream, gazing at the water to seek enlightenment through meditation, and the enclosed and intimate one-corner composition strongly recall the stylistic hallmarks of Ma Yuan and his followers. It is possible that the composition of Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water was derived from that of paintings such as Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (undated), formerly attributed to Muqi. The pose of the scholar-recluse lying upon a rock and meditating on water closely resembles that of the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara (Chinese: Guanyin) leaning against a rock below a cliff with a waterfall, supporting his head on his hand. This is what has been talked of the stylistic origins of Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water. What is of great interest to me is that the vine-hung branches of a tree growing from the cliff is, as mentioned earlier, one of the recurring motifs found in Zhang Lu's paintings. The spontaneous, swift-running, and slapdash brushwork is certainly close to Zhang Lu's. Another interesting stylistic feature of Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water is the treatment of reeds and small rocks. The motif of the combination of finely drawn reeds and thickly contoured and richly ink-washed rocks is only found in Jiang Song's paintings such as Reading on an Autumn River in the Palace Museum, Beijing, and Boating in Autumn or Landscape with Fishing Boat in a private collection, Kyoto, Japan. Jiang Song was born and lived in the city of Nanjing. He loved to paint with a sooty, deep black ink that his contemporaries called“burnt”or“roasted” ink, and he applied his ink wash with infinite nuance and subtlety. His paintings show his interest in existential images of rivers and human lives. With the wet, bold, and inventive use of ink wash, Jiang achieve a beauti- 150 fully lyrical quality. The poetic, serene mood and the use of burnt or roasted ink in Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water are all characteristic of Jiang Song's stylistic hallmarks. In this respect, Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water has to be dated to sometime between 1530 and 1550, given that Jiang Song was active in Nanjing sometime around or shortly after 1500. And thus Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water is the most representative painting highlighting the introduction of Jiang's style in mid-sixteenthcentury Korea.
장진성,성형건,노태성,최동환,Jang, Jin-Sung,Sung, Hyung-Gun,Roh, Tae-Seong,Choi, Dong-Whan 한국군사과학기술학회 2012 한국군사과학기술학회지 Vol.15 No.3
Performance analysis of the interior ballistics has been conducted using the 1-D numerical code called IBcode according to the various conditions such as length of ignition-gas injector, amount of ignition-gas, mass of projectile, and drag force of projectile. In case of the length of ignition-gas injector, the 25~100 % of the full-injector length has been considered as well as the mass & mass flow of the ignition-gas. The mass of the projectile 5~70 kg and its drag force of 0~69 MPa have been also considered. Variables such as breech & base pressure, negative differential pressure and muzzle velocity for the performance analysis have been sorted, too. Firing conditions for the optimal performance have been investigated through these variables.
장진성 미술사와 시각문화학회 2012 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.11 No.-
조선 중기 회화의 주요한 특징 중 하나는 중국 절 파(浙派) 화풍의 수용, 확산, 유행이다. 특히 절파 중 후기 절파인 광태사학파(狂態邪學派) 화풍의 영향은 절대적이었다고 할 수 있다. 이 글은 조선 중기 회화에 끼친 광태사학파의 양식적 영향을 구체적으로 추적한 연구이다. 정문림(鄭文林, 16세기 활동), 장숭(蔣崇, 16세기 전반 활동), 장로(張路, 약 1490-1563년), 왕조(汪肇, 16세기 활동) 등 광태사학파의 대표적인 화가들의 화풍이 조선 중기 회화에 어떠한 양상으로 나타나는 가를 개별 작품에 대한 양식적인 분석을 통해 살펴본다. The Zhe school style introduced in early Choson Korea played a crucial role in shaping a new pictorial tradition, gradually replacing that of the predominant An Kyon (active ca. 1440-1470) school. As following and further expanding the pictorial idioms of Li Cheng, Guo Xi (ca. 1001-1090), Ma Yuan (active ca. 1190-1225) and Xia Gui (active ca. 1195-1230), the Zhe school formed the basis of the professional and academic traditions of the Ming and had a profound impact on Korean painting. In particular, the styles of such late Zhe school masters such as Zhang Lu, Jiang Song, Zheng Wenlin, and Wang Zhao played a central role in the formation of mid-Choson painting. They were leading painters of the “Wild and Heterodox” school whose styles were characteristic of bold, large compositions, scribbly and swift-running brushwork, strong black-and-white effects, and contrasting ink values. Their paintings gained enormous popularity in Nanjing and neighboring cities, exerting a powerful influence on the art world of sixteenth-century China. Although it is unclear when and how their works were introduced to Choson Korea, some of the Korean paintings of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries show that the styles of masters of the “Wild and Heterodox” school had an impact on mid-Choson painting. A case in point is Kang Hu˘i-an's (1419-1464) Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water, now in the National Museum of Korea. This painting has been thought to be a mid fifteenth-century painting. In many aspects, it is, however, a mid sixteenth-century landscape revealing the influence of the "Wild and Heterodox" school. In composition, Lofty Scholar Contemplating Water is extremely close to Zhang Lu's (ca. 1490- ca. 1563) Fisherman Under a Cliff, in the Gokoku-ji, Japan, featuring a figure under an overhanging large cliff with bushes looming out. Furthermore, the motif of the combination of finely drawn reeds and thickly contoured and richly ink-washed rocks is only found in Jiang Song's (active first half of the sixteenth century) paintings such as Boating in Autumn, formerly in the Collection of James Cahill. The use of “burnt” or “roasted” ink and several contour lines in depicting rocks is also found in Lohan, dated 1562, now in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art and in Water Buffalo by Kim Si (also called Kim Che, 1524-1593), one of the leading painters of the sixteenth century, now in a private collection, Japan. Zhang Lu preferred to us a large composition with an overhanging cliff on one side and figures below it, simplifying the scene and bringing it closer. His use of scribbly and splashy brushwork with lots of wet ink wash and busy, swift-running, and wavering lines is powerfully demonstrated in his stylistically extreme landscapes. The stylistic features of Zhang Lu are found in such Korean paintings as Landscapes with Figures, an album attributed to Yi Kyong-yun (1545-1611), now in Horym Museum of Art. Zhang Lu's landscapes with Daoist figures, featuring Daoist immortals set in the center and drawn large under an enormous overhanging cliff with bushes or barren trees exerted a stylistic influence over Korean Zhe-school painting, as seen in Daoist Immortals Dancing and Playing Musical Instruments by Ch'oe Myong-ryong (1567-1621) and Scholars looking at a Waterfall by Kim Myong'guk (1600-after 1622), both now in the National Museum of Korea. The stylistic hallmarks of Zheng Wenlin (active sixteenth century), the feverish animation of rustic scenes with twisted and contorted figures engaged in a variety of hyperactive pursuits whose faces drawn into grins or grimaces, the curling and undulating movements of forms, and the excessive exaggeration of trees, are clearly featured in Daoist Immortals under Pine Trees by a unidentified painter whose style names is Pyo'am (Leopard Rock), now in the National Museum of Korea and Two Old Men Viewing a Hanging Scroll by Kim Myong'guk, currently in Kansong Art Museum. Wang Zhao's (active sixteenth century) eccentric style is also found in Scholars Looking at a Waterfall attributed to Yun In-gol (active sixteenth century), now in the National Museum of Korea. The contribution of Zhang Lu, Jiang Song, Zheng Wenlin, and Wang Zhao to the formation and development of mid-Choson was, in fact, strong and lasting.