20세기 전반 한국 사상계의 궤적과 민족주의 담론

장규식(Chang Kyu-sik) 한국사연구회 2010 한국사연구 Vol.150 No.-

This essay deals with the various features of the early 20th century Korean thought particularly examining how Korean nationalism interacted with the Western modern thoughts. It was not until the middle of 1900s that the Korean used the term "nationalism." At that time Korean intellectuals recognized the establishment of nationalism to be a key factor for the restoration of national sovereignty against Japanese aggression. They took up social Darwinism to be "Muhyong Jagang (spiritual power-cultivation)," and regarded it as the base of "Yuhyong Jangang (concrete power-cultivation)" that means to enhance the national prosperity and defense. They also advocated to establish the New Religion ("Jong'gyo Ipguk"), considering it an indispensible base for national unity and prosperity. The incipient Korean nationalism based on the logic of "Muhyong Jagang" and "Jong'gyo Ipguk" became jeopardized by Japanese Annexation of Korea. As a reaction to this, the nationalist intellectuals in 1910s, who pursued republicanism, came to perceive newly the fall of the Great Korean Empire as a threshold toward the Republic of Korea. They tried also to overcome social Darwinism since it took granted for the right of the strong to rule over the weak. These efforts were done within three directions such as the emphasis of national characteristics, socialism, and humanitarianism; among these, humanitarianism became a theoretical foundation for the nationwide March 1st Independence Movement. As a result, Korean nationalism was eventually given a form on the basis of republicanism and humanitarianism as such. Korean nationalism under the Japanese colonialism was equipped with its theoretical alliances from the Western modern thoughts: liberalism, conservatism, ethical statism, and socialism. Korean nationalism was shaped by these influences while each intellectual group was adopting respectively the ideologies if it had an affinity. First, liberalism was imported to Korea coupled with Anglo-American Christian Protestantism. Its mainstream was a newly emerging middle class in the northwest of Korea, where Ahn Chang-ho's nationalism can be an example of the conjunction between liberalism and nationalism. Second, Korean conservatism was shaped as a consequence of the cohesion between the modernization course by the Yangban landlords and English gentlemanly capitalism. The Dong-A Daily News group led by Kim Seong-su was a case in this respect, where nationalism was united with a sort of Edmund Burke's conservatism. Third, sharing the ideas of the organic theory of the nation and the state, the Daejong Gyo line's worship of national characteristics, and Hegel's theory of ethical state, the Korean statism was conjoined together with ethnic nationalism. Ahn Jae-hong and Choe Hyon-bae remained to be the most typical examples in this regard. Fourth, those who deemed national liberation as a requisite for class liberation while conjoining socialism and nationalism, were found in the first generation of Korean socialist; Yah Woon-hyong and Bae Seong-ryong, who led Choseon Jung'ang Daily News group, were the case. The salient feature of Korean nationalism after the Korean Liberation was shown in the moderates who aimed for building a unified independent nation-state through the right-left coalition. The middle-of-the-road intellectuals mapped out a unified government based on parliamentary democracy and economic equality. However, its ideological ground was diverged into liberalism, statism, and social democracy: New Liberalism by Oh Gi-young, New Nationalism by Ahn Jae-hong, and New Democracy by Bae Seong-ryong. Such the middle-of-the-road nationalism, which was succeeded later in resistant nationalism of civic-level backing up national democratic movement, has been sustained in the movements for democracy and national unification of Korea. Although there has been a de-nationalism discourse, Korean nationalism has lasted up to the present c

1920년대 개조론의 확산과 기독교사회주의의 수용·정착

장규식 ( Chang Kyu Sik ) 역사문제연구소 2009 역사문제연구 Vol.13 No.1

In Korea, it was the `Christianity and Socialism` discourse, which was supported by Christian students who responded the anti-religion movement in 1923 and 1924, that laid the ideological foundation for Koreans` embracement of Christian Socialism. With this discourse, the speakers interpreted the Social reconstruction argument`s narratives in terms of Christian concept "kingdom of God", and they searched for an alternative for a people`s society, while also attempting dialogue with Socialism. It was around 1925, when writings of the famous Japanese Christian Socialist Kagawa Toyohiko were translated and introduced to Korea, that the Christian Socialist ideology was introduced to the Korean Christian community as a Christian discourse of action. The `Socialism of Love` argued by Kagawa, which was based upon historical conception of Materialistic morality and the movement for the kingdom of God, one of theory and one of action, was an instant hit to the Korean students in their youth. So people who armed themselves with Kagawa`s idea, trying to model their actions after those of his, started to appear. They got interested in the rural society where a lot of the poor people were living. And they also turned their eyes to the cooperative unions which could function as social facilities of love that could overcome the nature of Capitalism which was destined to pursue only interest. The Christian Socialism of Korea encountered the opportunity to set firmly its feet on Korean soil, with the organization of the Christian Rural Research Association in 1929. This group embarked upon Christian-based rural reconstruction work, equipped itself with Christian Socialism, and spreaded its roots in the Korean society. They suggested the so-called Christianism("The ideology of the Cross"), a theory designed to invite an ideal society which was also different from the one envisioned in Marxism. And they also initiated the movement for the Jesus Village as an utopian model village(`Spiritual movement of materials`), based upon the rural churches and cooperative unions. Yet the anti-Materialism, non- Materialism, and the Socialist inclination against selfishness clashed with each other in real life situations as well, and that was sort of a passage rite that all those theories and actions that were searching for a `third way` between Bourgeois Nationalism and Socialism had to go through.

1920~30년대 YMCA학생운동의 전개와 일상활동

장규식(Chang Kyu-Sik) 한국기독교역사연구소 2007 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.27 No.-

1901년 배재학당에 학생YMCA가 발족하면서 시작된 YMCA학생운동은 일제하 기독교계를 대표하는 학생운동이었다. YMCA학생운동은 3ㆍ1운동을 전후해 학생단 독립운동과 조선학생대회 창립의 산파역을 담당하며 한국 민족운동사상에 나름의 입지를 마련하였다. 그리고 1920년대 전반 기존의 종교운동 영역을 넘어 신문화의 계몽자로서 폭넓은 활동을 전개했는데, 특히 신문화ㆍ사회개조ㆍ기독교사회주의ㆍ민중화 등을 화두로 사상운동 방면에서 두각을 나타냈다. 1920년대 후반 YMCA학생운동은 사회복음 노선에 기초해 농촌사업에 착수하고, 학생YWCA와 연합활동을 벌이며 실제 생활문제를 해결하기 위한 적극적 운동을 모색하였다. 그러나 1930년대로 접어들어 사회주의자들의 반종교운동이 거세게 일어나고, 학생들의 풍기문란이 사회문제로 대두하면서 정체성의 위기를 겪어야 했다. 그러는 가운데 만주사변 발발 이후 일제의 간섭이 도를 더하고, 교계내 서북파와 기호파, 안창호계와 이승만계의 내분까지 겹치면서 1935년 이후 유명무실한 존재로 전락하고 말았다. YMCA학생운동의 조직체계는 전국대회에 해당하는 학생하령회를 정점으로, 각 학교내에 조직된 학생YMCA와 지도기관인 조선YMCA연합회 학생부가 삼각의 축을 형성하였다. 주요 사업으로는 종교ㆍ교육(문예)ㆍ체육ㆍ사교에 걸친 이른바 4대 목적사업이 있었는데, 이들 사업은 말 그대로 하나님나라의 확장과 덕ㆍ지ㆍ체ㆍ사교의 훈육이라는 YMCA의 기본 목적을 실천하는 도구였다. 한편 1920년대 후반 들어 학생YMCA가 농촌사업과 절제운동에 참여하면서는 농촌부ㆍ금주단연부ㆍ소비(조합)부 등의 부서를 신설하여 실제 생활문제를 해결하는 운동을 펼쳤다. 끝으로 일제하 YMCA학생운동이 한국 민족운동사에서 차지하는 위치를 정리해 보면, 먼저 YMCA학생운동은 문화운동ㆍ물산장려운동ㆍ절제운동ㆍ농촌운동 등 당시의 개량주의적 민족운동과 궤를 같이하며 전개된 부르주아민족주의 노선의 학생운동이었다. 또한 학생운동과 기독교운동의 경계선에서, 국제적으로 세계학생기독교연맹(WSCF)과 네트웍을 형성하며, 기독교 민족운동 지도력의 배출구로서 보다 중요한 역할을 했던 운동이기도 하였다. YMCA학생운동은 대한제국기 이래 일제하 거의 전기간에 걸쳐 전개되며 해방후로 이어진 전국적 운동으로, 부르주아 민족주의 노선에 입각한 근대 학생운동의 면모를 통시적으로 살필 수 있는 좋은 사례라 할 수 있다. Student YMCA Movement is the typical Christian student movement under Japanese colonial rule, which originally started with the Student YMCA of Bae-Jae School established in 1901. It played an important role in the history of Korean national movement by helping the founding of the Student Independence Group at the time of March 1st Movement and Chosun Haksaeng Daehoe(Korean Student Assembly) in 1920. And it took part in a variety of activities as a leading group to spread the new culture beyond the previous activities of the religious movement, especially focusing on the ideological activities in terms of New Culture Movement, Social Reconstruction, Christian Socialism and the Popularization. During the late 1920s, Student YMCA Movement campaigned for its Social Gospel in the rural area and tried positively to figure out the actual problems by joining with Student YWCAs. However, with the anti-religious movement of socialists and the demoralized aspects of the students in general, Student YMCA Movement had to be faced with the identity crisis in the early 1930s. Furthermore, it came to lose its actual power after 1935, due to the more intensified suppression of the Chosun Government-General after the break of the 1931 Manchurian Incident and the internal trouble between Ahn Changho line and Rhee Syngman line of Christian nationalist camps. The organization of Student YMCA Movement had a triangular system - Student YMCA of each branch school and Student Bureau at the National Council of Korean YMCAs, with the Student Summer Conference on its top. The major activities ranged within the four-fold purpose to improve the spiritual, mental, social and physical condition of students. They were intended to practice the Basis of the YMCA, which was the extension of Kingdom of God among young men through gospel preaching & moral training, intellectual training, physical training and social intercourse. And as Student YMCA participated in the Rural Work and the Temperance Movement in the late 1920s, its campaign focused on the solution for the actual problems of life by creating the sections such as those of rural reconstruction, anti-alcohol & anti-tobacco, and consumers' cooperative. Finally, to sum up the meaning of Student YMCA Movement in the historical context of Korean national movement, it can be argued that Student YMCA Movement was the student movement of bourgeoisie-nationalism strategy in line with the nationalist movements at that time such as the New Culture Movement, Korean Products Promoting Campaign, Temperance Movement and Rural Work. It also played an important role as the outlet for leaders of Christian national movement in corporation with the domestic network of the student movement and the Christian movement as well as the international network of World Student Christian Federation. Student YMCA Movement was the nation-wide movement that continuously went on from the time of the Daehan Empire up to the Liberation and even after it. In this sense, it is a good example to survey diachronically the various aspects of the modern student movement in line with the bourgeoisie-nationalist movement.

『한국교회핍박』에 나타난 이승만의 정교 인식과 외교 독립론

장규식 ( Kyu Sik Chang ) 한국사상사학회 2010 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.35

``105인사건``에 영감을 받아 집필한 『한국교회핍박』은 1913년 하와이에 터를 잡은 이승만이 교포들에게 자신의 기독교관과 정치적 비전을 천명한 저작이다. 이승만은 옥중 개종 이후 각종 논설을 통해 기독교를 서양 근대 문명을 일구어낸 원동력으로 인식하고, 기독교로 국민을 교화함으로써 문명부강을 위한 정치개혁의 근본을 삼을 것을 주장하였다. 그리고 『한국교회핍박』 단계에 이르러 ① 하느님에 대한 믿음과 소망으로 국민의 원기를 되살리고, ② 예수가 가르친 이웃사랑의 정신으로 국민통합을 도모하는 한편, ③ 기독교의 자유·평등 이념에 기초해 상등 문명국가를 건설하는, 자신의 기독교 입국 구상을 체계화하였다. 한편 이승만은 옥중에서 『독립정신』을 집필할 당시부터 정치의 급무는 외교에 있다고 하여 만국공법에 따른 공평정대한 외교의 중요성을 강조하였다. 그러나 이때 그가 강조한 외교는 내치와 짝을 이루는 자주 외교였고, 열강의 세력균형을 중시하는 중립 외교였다. 이승만이 의병투쟁과 의열투쟁에 대한 반대 입장을 분명히 하고, 친미 일변도의 외교로 독립노선의 가닥을 잡은 것은 1908년 3월 스티븐스 암살사건을 거치면서였다. 그러한 가운데 이승만은 ``105인사건``을 통해 교회가 가진 국제적 네트웍의 위력을 발견하고, 그에 기초해 자신의 외교 독립구상을 새롭게 가다듬었다. 『한국교회핍박』은 그렇게 형성된 이승만의 외교 독립론이 응축되어 있는 저작이다. 이 책에서 그는 ① 형편과 사정을 살펴 단체를 결성하고 교육과 출판에 힘써 지식과 실력을 배양하는 한편, 영문을 배워 미국인과 소통하고, ② 교회와 사회의 좋은 친구를 많이 얻어 세력을 넓히며, ③ 의로운 일을 힘써 행함으로 미국 정부와 여론의 동정을 얻은 다음, ④ 미·일 개전의 기회를 기다려 대업을 도모하는 자신의 독립방략을 제시하였다. 이를 바탕으로 이승만은 외교 교섭과 언론 공세 등의 외교상 전쟁을 중심으로, 거기에 국민 교화와 교육, 경제적 실력양성을 결합시킨 자신의 독립노선을 정립하였다. 『한국교회핍박』은 이처럼 기독교 입국과 외교 독립 구상을 한국 독립을 위한 세계 공론 조성의 유력한 창구로서 기독교회를 매개로 연결시킨, 이승만의 독립노선을 살필 수 있는 중요한 자료다. Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak (The Korean Church in Trials, 1913) written by Syngman Rhee contains Rhee`s political views influenced by so-called the ``Case of the One Hundred Five (Korean Conspiracy Case).`` At that time he settled down in Hawaii as a political exile. After his conversion to Christianity in prison, throughout a number of writings Rhee started to advocate Christianity that it can serve as political bedrock in making Korea a modernized country, since he believed that Christianity had played an essential role in the Western modernization. With such the conviction, he asserted a necessity to Christianize the Korean populace. In Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak, he demonstrated three main plans for the nation-state building on the basis of Christianity as follows: ① to reanimate and raise the Korean people by encouraging them to have faith and hope in God; ② to promote national unity in the teachings of Jesus especially on the love of neighbor; ③ to build up a highly civilized country based on the Christian spirits of freedom and equality. In these articulations of proposal, however, we can find his partiality for missionaries and the discrimination of other religions. Since writing Tongnip Chongsin (The Spirit of Independence, 1904) in prison, he emphasized the importance of impartial foreign affairs in accordance with international law. At this time, the foreign affairs he emphasized had rooted in the independent foreign policy parallel to domestic affairs and the neutralism based on the balance of power. By the assassination of Durham W. Stevens (the foreign affairs adviser of Great Han [Korean] Empire) occurred on March of 1908, however, Rhee switched his political line to a throughly pro-American policy, attending to the direction of the public sentiment and backup of the U.S. government, while taking a critical attitude toward the armed struggle against Japan. On the other hand, the ``Case of the One Hundred Five,`` which stroke a blow against Japan in winning international supports to colonize Korea by way of diplomacy and the press, became the turning point in Rhee`s diplomatic policy. This incident spurred him to recognize non-governmental diplomatic power to foster international consensus, especially making use of the international Christian network, while maintaining the existing diplomatic strategy to petition the U.S. government for independence. Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak exhibits such the process of Rhee`s changing diplomatic strategy for Korean independence. In this book, Rhee proposed four main directions in terms of his own diplomatic strategy for Korean Independence as follows: ① he suggested to establish appropriate organizations, foster competence by education and publishing, and communicate with the Americans by acquiring the legibleness of English; ② he suggested to increase power by way of establishing a strong league with people in American Churches and communities; ③ he suggested to strive for gaining sympathy from the U.S. government and the public by doing what is right; ④ finally, he argued that Korea could obtain an opportunity to achieve independence in virtue of the outbreak of war between the U.S. and Japan. Rhee could set up the overall diplomacy-centered strategy for independence movement explicitly in Taepyongyang Japji (The Korean Pacific Magazine), with three directions - the role of diplomatic negotiation and wordy warfare, the educational work including people`s enlightenment, and economic development. However, since these directions precluded the armed struggle against Japan, his attitude appeared to slant only toward foreign policy line. Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak can be considered a very important document having Rhee`s ideas of the Christianization of Korea and diplomatic independence movement. However, this work has not yet had considerable attention in this respect. Accordingly, it is necessary to examine the work thoroughly in looking into the genealogical trajectory of Rhee`s diplomatic independence strategy, especially in its formation process.

한국기독교역사연구소 사회운동 연구 동향과 과제

장규식(Chang, Kyu Sik) 한국기독교역사연구소 2023 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.- No.58

3・1운동 이전 민주공화제의 수용과 확산

장규식(CHANG, Kyu-Sik) 한국사학사학회 2018 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.38

In Korea, republicanism was accepted narrowly as a system of democratic republic combined with democracy. And its development went through the process of making the nation-state discourses encroach on monarchy gradually rather than accompanying a revolution. The acceptance of democratic republic system in Korea was grounded upon the recognition of nation-state. The Independence Club(Dongnip Hyophoe) has made it possible to imagine a modern nation on the basis of national integration. In this effort, it distinguished the notion of the state from that of the dynasty, by instigating and expanding the slogan of the ’Chung’gun Aeguk’ (a stepping stone to the ideology of loyalty to the dynasty) to the patriotism of the nation state. The debate on republican system was officially banned during the whole period of the Daehan Empire. But with the forced deportation of Emperor Gojong, the issue was revived with the consideration of the democratic republic system as the most desirable political system. Nonetheless, the intellectual society advocated a gradual reform and regarded the adoption of democratic republican system as premature. It was no exception to the New People’s Association(Sinminhoe), which had been accepted as a representative of republicanism. The members of the New People’s Association recognized that the task of restoring the national sovereignty would be much more important than that of turning into the front line of the movement against the Imperial Regime. In addition, from the standpoint of the social evolution doctrine on which they were based, the state of the Daehan Empire had to be preserved as the subject of competition. This deferred plan for republicanism was realized in the discourse on ’New Korea’ initiated by the Korean American community after the fall of the Daehan empire. The Korean American community accepted the fall of the Daehan Empire as the beginning of democratic New Korea. Such a discourse led to the conceptual development of doctrines on republican democracy and provisional government construction, and set up New Korea as the subject of survival competition, which could eventually allow the independence movement to be ignited again. 한국에서 공화제는 민주정체와 결합한 민주공화제로 한정되어 받아들여졌 는데, 그 과정이 혁명을 수반하는 대신에 국민국가 담론이 군주제를 단계적으로 잠식해가는 방식으로 진행되었다는 데 하나의 특징이 있었다. 한국에서 민주공화제 수용의 바탕은 국민국가의 발견을 통해 만들어졌다. 독립협회는 왕조에 대한 충군 개념을 디딤돌 삼아 이를 국민국가에 대한 애국 으로 확장시키는 ‘충군애국’의 구호와 다양한 상징조작을 통해 왕조와 국가를 구분함으로써 국민통합에 기초한 근대 국가를 상상할 수 있게끔 하였다. 이후 대한제국기에 공화제 논의는 금기시되었으나, 고종의 강제 퇴위를 거치며 점차 변화하는 양상을 띠어 군주에 대한 국가의 우위를 내세우는 가운데 민주공화제를 가장 바람직한 정치제도로 보는 논설이 속속 등장하였다. 그럼 에도 불구하고 당시 지식인 사회의 주류는 민주공화제의 도입을 시기상조로 바라보면서 점진적 개혁을 주장하였다. 그러한 경향은 기존에 공화제를 표방한 단체로 받아들여졌던 신민회의 경우도 예외가 아니었다. 신민회 인사들이 공화제의 실행을 유예한 데는 황실 타도로 운동의 전선을 분산시키기에는 당면한 국권회복의 과제가 너무도 막중하 다는 현실인식 또한 작용하고 있었다. 더불어 그들이 근거했던 사회진화론의 입장에서 볼 때에도 형체만 남아 있을지라도 경쟁 주체로서 대한제국이라는 국가는 보존되어야 했다.이렇게 유예된 공화제 구상은 대한제국의 멸망 이후 미주 한인사회의 ‘정신상 신한국’ 담론을 통해 비로소 그 실체를 드러냈다. 국망의 소식에 접한 미주 한인사회는 형질상 대한제국의 멸망을 정신상 민주주의 신한국의 시작으로 받아들였다. 그 같은 담론은 삼권분립의 미국식 공화제 민주주의 임시정부 건설 론으로 이어져, 새로운 생존경쟁의 주체로서 신한국을 설정한 가운데 독립운 동에 다시 불을 지필 수 있게끔 하였다.

특집논문 3 : 3,1운동과 세브란스

장규식 ( Kyu Sik Chang ) 연세대학교 의과대학 의사학과 2009 연세의사학 Vol.12 No.1

Severance Hospital and Union Medical College was the key base for the Korean Christians who participated in the independence movement. The Namdaemun Church and the residences of Yi Gab-seong and Ham Tae-young, which were located within the campus, served as the base and later became the landmark site for independence movement of the Korean Christian leaders. The Youth YMCA leaders at the Severance Union Medical College(SUMC) also participated and Korean Christian leaders prepared for the March 1st Movement at the Severance Hospital Area. At this time Yi Gab-seong, one of the signees of the Declaration of Independence led the Severance students. Under his direction, the Severance students went to the southern provinces to recruit the local Christian leaders to lead movements in their areas. They also delivered printed copies of the Declaration of Independence to the Youth Independent Group and local Christian leaders as well. In the immediate aftermath of the March 1st Movement, Yi Yong-seol who was the former president of the Youth YMCA at the Severance Union Medical College published underground newspaper to further advocate the independence movement. The Youth YMCA acted as a mediator between Christian national leaders and students in this process.

일제 식민지시기 연구의 현황과 추이

張圭植(Chang Kyu-sik) 역사학회 2008 역사학보 Vol.0 No.199

초기 도미 이민자의 미국사회 자리잡기와 이중의 정체성

장규식(Chang, Kyu-sik) 한국역사민속학회 2014 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.46

본 연구에서는 초기 도미 이민자들이 무슨 이유로 이주를 선택했고, 어떠한 방식으로 현지에 적응하였으며, 어떠한 정체성을 가지고 교민사회·미국인사회와 관계 맺기를 해 나갔는지를 차의석의 영문 자서전 The Golden Mountain을 길라잡이 삼아 디아스포라의 시각에서 살펴보았다. 먼저 차의석이 평양에서 일찍부터 기독교와 서구문명을 받아들인 초대 교회 교인 집안 출신이었다는 사실에 주목하여, 기독교 문명국인 미국에 대한 동경과 미국에 건너가 동포의 몸과 마음의 병을 치료하는 의료선교사가 되어 돌아오겠다는 포부가 미국행의 동기였음을 밝혔다. 다음으로 도미 이후 차의석의 행적을 ① 현지 적응기(1905-1913), ② 파크 칼리지 시절(1913-1923), ③ 시카고 시절(1924-1931), ④ 샌프란시스코 시절(1931-1939), ⑤ 연방 공무원 시절(1939-1964)로 나누고, 현지 적응과정과 교민사회ㆍ미국인사회와의 관계를 검토하면서 민족 정체성의 변화 양상을 추적하였다. 미군에 입대하여 제1차 세계대전에 참전한 경력을 바탕으로 미국 시민권을 취득하기 전까지 차의석의 정체성은, 미국인사회와 접점을 찾지 못한 채 고립되어버린 한인 디아스포라 → 정의·인도등의 보편 가치에 입각해 미국교인들에게 한국의 독립을 호소한 민간 외교사절 → 대한인국민회와 흥사단의 중견 지도자 → 2세 교민의 민족 정체성을 강조하면서도, 몸은 미국시민 되기에 매달린 자기분열적 존재 등으로 단계적으로 변화하였다. 시민권 취득 이후 교민사회와 거리를 둔 채 미국 연방 공무원으로 여생을 보낸 차의석은 1961년에 자비로 영문 자서전 The Golden Mountain을 출판하였다. 그리고 그 중에 100부를 자신이 미국인사회에 진입하는데 든든한 후원자가 되어준 미국 재향군인회와 파크 칼리지에 기증하였다. 자서전에서 그는 미국에 대한 지극한 사랑과 미국인으로서의 자부심을 과장되게 표현하였다. 그런데 그같은 언사는 앞서 한국인으로서의 정체성을 거듭 강조한 그의 국문 글들의 내용을 무안하게 만드는 것이었다. 그러한 맥락에서 그의 민족적 자의식이 마지막으로 도달한 종착점은 ‘디아스포라 and/or 미국시민’이라는 이중의 정체성이었다.

민주화 이후 한국의 개신교와 시민사회

장규식(Chang Kyu-Sik) 한국기독교역사연구소 2018 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.- No.48

민주화 이후 30년은 절차적 민주화에서 실질적 민주화로 가는 시행착오의 과정이었다. 그 와중에서 한국의 개신교계는 반공주의 · 성장지상주의 · 소비자본주의에 얼룩진 부끄러운 민낯을 여실히 드러냈다. 먼저 NCCK로 대표되는 에큐메니컬 기구 활동은 교계 대표성의 축소, 보수 헤게모니의 강화, 사회적 공신력의 추락, 지도력의 공백과 정체성 위기등의 난맥상을 여지없이 드러냈다. 현재 NCCK는 교단 안배 식의 목회자중심 연합운동에서 벗어나 평신도 에큐메니컬 역량을 포괄하는 방향에서 운동의 새로운 틀을 짜고, 종래의 관민 구도에서 벗어나 생명 · 평화 · 정의의 구체적 의제를 개발해야 할 과제를 앞에 두고 있다. 다음으로 기독교사회운동의 경우는 생활세계의 문제를 다루는 시민운동의 부상과 복음주의 계열의 사회운동 합류라는 새로운 양상이 나타났다. 또한 환경문제와 남북나눔 · 교회개혁 등의 의제를 놓고 에큐메니컬 진영과 복음주의 계열 사이에 운동의 접점을 넓혀가기도 하였다. 한편 민주화 이후 한기총으로 대표되는 보수 교권세력과 대형교회들은 신앙을 상품화하고, 수구 기득권을 옹호하는데 앞장섬으로 인해 시민사회 공론장의 신랄한 비판을 받아야 했다. 그리하여 교회갱신이 한국사회 적폐청산의 우선순위로 등극하는 엄혹한 현실을 맞이하였다. 현재 한국의 개신교는 교회갱신을 통해 경제 민주화와 사회 공공성 회복으로 가는 물꼬를 터야 할 과제를 눈앞에 두고 있다. Thirty years after the democratization can be characterized as a series of trials and errors in the transition from procedural democratization to substantive democratization. During this transition, Korean Protestant Churches have revealed shameful demeanors tainted by anti-communist attitude, growth-oriented mind, and consumption capitalism. First, the ecumenical organization represented by the NCCK(National Council of Churches in Korea) revealed many predicaments including the weakening in the representative force of Korean Christianity, the enforcement of conservative hegemony, the diminution of social credibility, the lack of leadership and the identity crisis. Currently NCCK is faced with certain tasks for which it needs to withdraw from the pastor-centered movement and embrace the ecumenical capacity of laymen to set up a new framework of exercise, and to develop concrete agenda for Justice, Peace, and Integrity of Creation(JPIC). Second, the Christian social movement has been exposed to a new issue involving the emergence of civil society movement to cope with the problems of the ordinary life of the world in connection with the evangelical social movement. There are also happening the cases where the contacting point between the ecumenical camp and the evangelical camp is getting expanded over the agenda such as environmental problems, inter-Korean sharing and reform of the church. On the other hand, the conservative powers which are represented by the Christian Council of Korea and mega-churches, have been confronted by the severe criticism in the public sphere due to their commercialization of beliefs and advocacy for the privileges vested in the conservative groups. Thus, the renewal of the church became one of the first and foremost tasks for the reformation of Korean society. At present, Korean Protestant churches are facing the challenge of recovering from the economic democratization and restoring social publicity through the renewal of the church.