신라의 영토의식과 삼한일통의식

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeongjin) 역사비평사 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.126

Critically examined in this article is the previous belief that regarded the “Three Hans were one” notion of Shilla was an ideology that fueled and drove the unification war in the 7th century. Also, reiterated hare are certain points of a theory which argued that such notion only emerged in the 9th century. Shilla maintained a stance that the southern region of Pyeong’yang had been part of the Baekje territory, based upon Baekje’s own perception of its own territory. So, in terms of changes in geographic territories, the war that went on during the 7th century was technically not a war aiming for unification, but a war to claim the territory of Baekje. It should be noted that the Monument of Cheongju Uncheon-dong(청주운천동사적비), which has been cited as the main evidence for the theory that argued the above-mentioned notion was the product of the 7th century, was in fact erected during the Goryeo period. And historical records such as those containing the posthumous title of Taejong(太宗), and Kim Yu-shin(金庾信)’s presentation of his own thoughts, are all records reflecting the memories and viewpoints of later periods. The said notion was actually formed later as a counter-ideology for the crisis created by the insurrection of Kim Heon-chang in the 9th century as well as subsequent division of the country. This notion was reinvited when the Korean peninsula was again divided to feature the so-called Later Three kingdoms, and was finally established as a firm state philosophy for Goryeo, which was able to reunited the peninsula.

고려 군현제 (郡縣制)의 운영원리와 주현 (主縣) - 속현 (屬縣) 영속관계의 성격

윤경진(Kyeong Jin Yoon) 한국중세사학회 2001 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.10

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7세기 초 신라 당항성(党項城)의 위치 재론(再論) - ‘당성(唐城)’설 비판과 ‘한강(漢江)’설 제기 -

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2021 역사와실학 Vol.76 No.-

이 연구는 7세기 초 신라의 사행로였던 당항성(党項城)을 당성(唐城:현 화성시)으로 비정하던 그동안의 통설이 명확한 실증적 근거를 갖추지 못했음을 지적하고, 대중국 사행로의 역사성과 지명에 나타난 지형적 특성 등을 통해 현 한강 삼전도 지역에 새롭게 비정한 것이다. 당항성의 ‘당(党)’은 지형의 속성을 반영한 것이고 당성의 ‘당(唐)’은 당나라를 가리키는 것으로서 맥락이 다르다. 신라후기에 사용된 당은포가 삼국시기에도 사용되었다고 볼 근거가 없다. 의상(義湘)이 유학을 위해 당주(唐州)에서 배를 타려다가 실패한 사적은 신라후기 이후의 내용이 투영된 것으로서 실제로는 육로로 고구려를 경유하여 갔다. 당항진(党項津)은 당항성과 같은 지역으로, 포구와 나루를 겸한 특성에서 그 위치는 한강으로 파악된다. 역대 왕조는 강에 인접하며 이곳에는 조운과 사행을 위한 포구가 마련되었다. 고려의 전포(錢浦) 내지 벽란도(碧瀾渡), 고구려의 남포(南浦)가 대표적이다. 한성 백제도 왕성 인근에 포구를 가지고 있었을 것인데, 한성을 점령한 신라가 이를 그대로 활용한 것이 바로 당항진이다. 이곳은 조선시기 삼전도 일원으로 파악되는데, 인근의 학여울[鶴灘]은 형태적 특징에서 ‘닭의 목’에서 유래한 당항과 상통하여 이러한 이해를 뒷받침한다. This study points out that the conventional wisdom considering Danghang castle which was the road used by envoys of Silla in the early 7th century as Dangseong(currently Hwaseong city) doesn"t have clear and empirical basis. And it also newly defines Danghang castle as area of current Han river Samjeondo by utilizing the historical characteristics of the road toward China which was used by envoys, and the topographical characteristics in the name of palaces. . "Dang(党)" of Danghang Castle reflected the properties of the terrain. On the other hand, "Dang(唐)" of Dangseong means Tang dynasty. Therefore, the two are in different contexts. There is no basis to say that Dangunpo which was used in the late period of united Silla, was also used during the Three kingdoms period. There was a historical record that Uisang(義湘) tried to take a boat in Dangju(唐州) for studying abroad but he failed. However, in fact, he used land route that passed through Goguryeo. The historical record projected contents after the late Silla period. Danghangjin(党項津) seems to be the same area as Danghang castle, and was a place that combined a port and a ferry. The location is figured out as the Han river. All-time Korean dynasties were adjacent to the river, where ports for envoys and tax transportation were set up here. Jeonpo(錢浦) and Byeokrando of Goryeo and Nampo(南浦) of Goguryeo are typical examples. Hanseong Baekjae also had ports near the capital. It was Danghangjin that Silla used as it stood after Silla occupied Hanseong. This place was figured out as Samjeondo(三田渡) area of Joseon period. The fact that Hangnyeoul[鶴灘] nearby this place is in line with Danghang in terms of its morphological characteristics supports this understanding.

羅唐戰爭 終戰期 전황의 새로운 이해

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2017 군사 Vol.- No.104

The study of this article is the analysis on the several major battles fought between the troops of Shilla and Dang troops, based upon a new suggestion that the war itself was ended in the year of 675 with the battle at the Maecho-seong(買肖城) fortress. At the time, there were two types of battles: battles in which the Dang forces tried to obtain coastal areas for future skirmishes, and battles which were fought along Shilla’s northern borders. Battles at Chiljung-seong(七重城), Maesocheon-seong(買蘇川城), Cheon-seong(泉城) and Seokhyeon-seong(石峴城) fortresses seem to have belonged to the former type, while battles at Adal-seong(阿達城), Jeokmok-seong(赤木城) and Dorim-seong(道臨城) fortresses could be categorized as cases of the latter. In the meantime, the story of the Gibeol-po (伎伐浦) battle seems to have been established as a composite, concocted from the tale of the Wungjin Dodok-bu(熊津都督府) dismantlement, as well as the story of Dang general Seol In-gwi(薛仁貴).

초등학교 영어교육에서 파닉스 지도에 관한 교사 인식 조사와 개선 방향

윤경진(Yoon, KyoungJin),이재근(Lee, Jaekeun) 학습자중심교과교육학회 2017 학습자중심교과교육연구 Vol.17 No.9

본 연구의 목적은 초등학교에서 영어 파닉스(phonics) 지도에 관한 교사의 인식도 조사를 통해 파닉스 지도를 개선하는 방향을 제시하고, 효율적인 읽기 지도방법을 마련하는 것이다. 이를 해결하기 위한 방법으로 교사 설문조사와 교과서를 분석하 였다. 설문조사(2016.9.1-11.31)를 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 초등 영어 교과서 상의 파닉스 비중을 늘려야 한다 . 둘째, 상당수의 교사들이 파닉스를 지도할 때 교과서의 내용을 보충하거나 재구성한다는 응답은 초등 영어 교과서의 파닉스 내용의 재정비가 필요하다는 것을 시사한다. 셋째, 초등영어 교과서의 파닉스 지도를 위한 교수·학습 모형을 구안, 보급할 필요가 있다. 이를 바탕으로 한 제언은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 실제 현장 초등 영어수업에서 사용할 수 있는 교재에 대한 연구가 필요하다. 둘째, 파닉스 수업 시수증대를 위한 영어 및 타교과와의 연계방안 연구가 필요하다. 셋째, 학년군별에 맞는 파닉스 교수학습모형이 필요하다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the survey of elementary English teacher s recognition on the phonics for improving phonics in elementary English education. The results of the survey of Elementary English teachers on the phonics and the analysis of the elementary English text books are as follows: First, we should place greater importance on the phonics. Second, the greater part of teachers answer-they need supplement or reconstruction on the teaching phonics-shows that elementary English textbooks should be reorganized on the phonics. Finally, the teaching-learning model for phonics teaching of elementary English textbooks should be designed and propagated.

2009 초등영어 교육과정에 대한 교사의 인식과 쟁점

윤경진 ( Kyoung Jin Yoon ),김동연 ( Dong Yeon Kim ),이재근 ( Jae Keun Lee ) 한국교원대학교 초등교육연구소 2014 초등교과교육연구 Vol.20 No.-

This study is on teachers`` recognition & issues of 2009 elementary English curriculum since it was applied during the first semester of 2014 school year. The study surveyed the applied problems of 2009 elementary English curriculum, understanding of grade band, correspondence of grade band and elementary education, recognition of the increasing or decreasing the number of class hours, the difficulties of the increasing or decreasing the number of class hours, recognition of leveled classes, the developmental method of expressive skills to the teachers. To manage the 2009 elementary English curriculum in elementary school successfully, we need to prepare both hardware-management and software-management. For these managements, there will be considered to accomplish management of subject-classrooms, usages of grade band textbooks, class organization based on the grade band, effective increasing or decreasing the number of class hours and agreement of school management for leveled classes based on individual difference. For more effective and successful results, both experimental schools are needed to perform the curriculum.

고려 현종말∼문종초 北界 州鎭 설치와 長城 축조

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2011 군사 Vol.- No.79

In this article, how the Grand Fortress(長城) was created in the Bukgye region of the Goryeo in its early days, what was the background of such foundation, and what regions the fortress actually passed through, will be examined. Also some parts of the known history of certain Jujin (州鎭) regions related to the Grand Fortress, will be rectified as well. At the end of King Hyeonjong"s reign, the Goryeo Government established some new Jujin units in a concentrated fashion at the border region, in response to the Khitan threat and certain fluctuations that were happening. Also, existing Jujin units were reinforced, and thus a defense line along the Yalu River was established. The Grand Fortress was created based upon this defense line in the early days of King Deokjong"s reign. It covered the region between areas like Inju(麟州) at the mouth of the Yalu River, and Sakju(朔州). In the early days of King Jeongjong(靖宗)"s reign, additional sections were added to the fortress in its eastern end, and as a result the Jujin units which had been established with a distance from the fortress were connected to it as well. The Fortress" new east end was Cheongsae-jin(淸塞鎭). Later, more Jujin units were established between the Bukgye and Donggye regions (the Northern and Eastern Realms) and the Fortress grew even longer. We can see thatthe Bukgye Grand Fortress was created throughout three different time periods. Yeongsak-jin(寧朔鎭), which was recorded as a region the Fortress passed through, was only added in later periods(追記), and it is highly possible that the Fortress did not pass through areas like Ansu-jin(安水鎭) and Maengju(孟州). They should have been replacedby Yeonju(延州) and Changju(昌州).

고려 말 조선 초 서해 · 남해안 僑郡 사례의 분석 : 전라도 · 충청도 · 서해도 지역의 사례

尹京鎭(Yoon Kyeong-jin) 고려사학회 2008 한국사학보 Vol.- No.31

이 논문은 고려 말 조선 초 전라도 · 충청도 · 서해도 지역에서 발생한 僑郡의 사례를 발굴 추출하고, 교군의 설치로부터 환원 · 폐지에 이르는 과정을 분석한 것이다. 珍島縣은 공민왕대 昆湄縣에 교우하다가 태종 9년에 海南縣과 합하여 海珍郡이라 하였다. 태종 14년 본도로 환원되었다가 바로 출륙하였고, 세종 19년에 다시 본도로 환원되었다. 壓海縣과 長山縣 · 臨淄縣 등 도서 군현들은 『신증동국여지승람』 고적조에 실린 廢縣의 연혁과 위치 등을 통해 교군 운영을 확인할 수 있다. 黑山島(榮山縣)는 공민왕 11년 왜적 포로를 바친 공을 감안하여 왜구를 피해 출륙할 때 교우처를 군현으로 승격해 준 사례이다. 長興府는 처음에 道康郡의 修因山城에 교우하다가 우왕 5년에 鐵冶縣으로 이동하였으며, 태조 원년에 속현이던 遂寧縣에 성을 쌓고 정착하였다. 장흥부는 교우 과정에서 일시 寶城郡과 병합된 사적이 보이는데, 「高麗末戶籍斷片」에 보이는 長寶는 이 때 제정된 읍호로 판단된다. 이외에 寶城郡과 靈巖郡 역시 교우를 추정할 수 있다. 高興縣은 우왕 14년경에 兆陽縣에서 교우를 시작했다가 태조 4년에 이를 속현으로 이속받았고, 태조 6년에는 鎭이 설치되었다. 세종 23년 南陽縣과 합치면서 읍치를 荳原縣 지역으로 옮기고 읍호를 興陽으로 바꾸었다. 泰安郡은 문집 자료를 통해 교우가 확인되는데, 공민왕 22년에 瑞山郡에 교우하다가 우왕 9년에 禮山縣으로 옮겼고, 공양왕 2년에 다시 서산군에 성을 쌓고 옮겨왔다. 이곳에는 蓴堤鎭이 설치되었는데, 태종 16년 鎭城을 태안군의 古治로 옮기면서 태안군도 본토로 환원되었다. 白翎鎭은 처음 출륙한 후 文化縣에 교우하다가 鎭將을 폐지하고 문화현의 任內로 편제되었고, 태종 10년에 읍사마저 폐지되어 直村으로 흡수되었다. 세종 9년 백령진 人吏들의 요청에 따라 이들을 永康에 소속시키고 康翎縣이라 하였다. In this article, the Gyogun(僑郡) units that are believed to have existed alongside the Southwest shores of the Korean peninsula, during the transitional period between the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, are searched for and determined. And the cycle that commenced with the establishment of those Gyogun units, and ended with either their reverse to their original state or the units' entire dismantlement, is analyzed here as well. In the Jeonra-do(全羅道) region, Gyou(僑寓) units are found in Jindo-hyeon(珍島縣)(which was an island), and other areas such as Abhae-hyeon(壓海縣), Jangsan-hyeon(長山縣) and Imchi-hyeon(臨淄縣). Among them, Jindo-hyeon was merged with Haenam-hyeon(海南縣). And Heuksan-do(黑山島)/Yeongsan-hyeon(榮山縣) was a case in which the unit was turned into a Gun/Hyeon unit when it returned to the inland(山陸). And in shore areas like Jangheung-bu(長興府), and other areas like Boseong-gun(寶城郡) and Goheung-hyeon(高興縣), Gyou units are found as well. Jangheung and Boseong were later temporarily merged with each other, and in Goheung-hyeon a Jin(鎭) unit was established during the Gyou stage. In the Chungcheong-do(忠淸道) region, the Gyou unit of Taean-gun(泰安郡) can be found, and a Jin unit was placed here as well. In the Seohae-do(西海道) region, Baekryeong-jin(白翎鎭) was first operated as a Gyogun unit when it returned to the inland, yet later it was dismantled and was merged with Yeonggang to become Gangryeong-hyeon(康翎縣).

知康州事 王逢規와 高麗 太祖 王建

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2018 역사와실학 Vol.66 No.-

이 연구는 신라말 현 진주 지역에 기반을 둔 해상세력으로 이해되었던 王逢規가 실제로는 高麗 太祖 王建임을 논한 것이다. 이는 927년 왕봉규가 보낸 사신 林彦이 같은 해 고려에서 보낸 사신과 동일인이라는 데 기초한다. 그가 소속을 바꾸어 한 해에 두 차례 사신으로 간다는 것은 현실성이 없으므로 파견주체도 동일인으로 보아야 한다. 왕봉규의 직함인 泉州節度使와 知康州事는 自稱이 아니라 중국 왕조에서 수여한 것이며, 직함의 천주와 강주 또한 중국 지명이다. 당시 신라 강주의 상황은 왕봉규의 등장과 소멸을 뒷받침하지 않는다. 왕건은 독립적인 국왕이었지만 외교적으로 신라에 부속된 존재로 간주되었기 때문에 그의 사신은 신라 사신으로 간주되었다. 왕건이 즉위할 때 이름은 逢規였고, 이후 王氏를 칭하다가 後唐에 국왕 책봉을 요청하면서 王建으로 개명하였다. Pursued in this study is the possibility that a historical figure named Wang Bong-gyu(王逢規), a leader of a maritime faction with a base established in today’s Jinju area at the end of the Unified Shilla period, was actually Wang Geon(王建), the founder king of the Goryeo dynasty himself. This hypothesis is based upon the fact that emissary Im Eon(林彦), who was dispatched by Wang Bong-gyu in 927, was actually the same person who was dispatched by the Goryeo government the very same year. It would not have been possible for him to change sides in the course of a single year, and be dispatched in the same capacity twice in that year, so it would be more than natural to assume that he was only sent once, and also by a same entity. Wang Bong-gyu’s official titles, which were Magistrate of Cheonju(泉州節度使) and Prefect of Gangju(知康州事), were not named by himself arbitrarily but were officially bestowed from the Chinese government. Regions in the titles are also Chinese. There was in fact a Gangju area in Shilla (on the Korean peninsula) as well, but the situation of the Shilla Gangju area does not seem to correspond with the emergence of Wang Bong-gyu as well as his fall. Meanwhile, Wang Geon was the king of Goryeo, an independent country, but was also considered as part of Shilla (at least up until that point), so the emissary he sent to China was also considered and described as a ‘Shilla emissary’ by the Chinese. Wang Geon’s birth name seems to have been Bong-gyu(逢規) even at the time of his enthronement, and later after assuming the last name Wang(王氏) he finally changed his name to Wang Geon(王建) when he formally requested China’s(in this case Hu-Dang/後唐’s) recognition of his enthronement.

고려 예종대 서경(西京) 용언궁(龍堰宮) 경영과 역사계승의식

윤경진 ( Yoon Kyeong Jin ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.76

Examined in this article is the Yong’eon-gung(龍堰宮) palace construction which took place in the 11th year of King Yejong’s reign at the Seogyeong capital, as it was an event that could show us what kind of historical perspective the Goryeo people had throughout the middle period of the dynasty. As the Seogyeong capital (the “Western Capital”) was generally considered by the Goryeo people as a place where founder Dongmyeong-wang(東明王) of Goguryeo established his own capital, the Goryeo kings’ constructions of palace in Seogyeong as well as royal visits there were recognized as vivid displays of the Goryeo people’s own Historical sense that they succeeded the old Goguryeo dynasty(高句麗繼承 意識). The case of the Yong’eon-gung palace is particularly worth noting, as the King Yejong’s 11th year on the throne, which was the Byeonghsin-year[丙申年], harbored additional symbolism. It was no other than the 180th year since the unification of the Later Three dynasties, making the palace as one built on the very same year the three dynasties were reunited by Goryeo. The choice of year would have further established Goryeo in the eyes of its own people as the embodiment of the Notion of Three Han units being one(三韓一統意識). The discussion to build the Yong’eon-gung palace at Seogyeong went on in the early years of Yejong’s reign, and was in fact a contradicting one to Yejong’s own father Sukjong’s earlier effort to build the Southern Capital(Namgyeong, 南京). The whole discussion was actually related to the plans to establish the Nine Fortresses in the Northeast perimeters of Goryeo, which had been a project conceived in the spirit of reclaiming the ancient territory of Goguryeo. Yet the project unfortunately ended in failure, and the construction of the Yong’eon-gung palace was also put on hold. Later, when the Jurchen Chin(金) attacked the Khitans, the Liao dynasty destabilized and Goryeo again resumed planning to retrieve the Liaodung region, which was part of the late Goguryeo territory. Yejong ordered the construction of Yong’eon-gung to resume, and after it was completed he went there and declared a set of New Orders(Shin’gyo, 新敎), officially announcing literally a ‘new beginning’ for the dynasty. The governmental structure was even revised to support the king’s new agenda. Yet such ambitious agenda was again blocked, when Goryeo decided to establish a Tributary/Appointment relationship with the newborn Chin dynasty.