The Australia-U.S.-China Triangular Relationship

( Mohan Malik ) 한국국방연구원 2006 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.18 No.4

This article examines the changing nature of Australian-American relations in the aftermath of the Iraq imbroglio and China`s rise. While many observers see differences in Australian and U.S. approaches toward China as a reflection of different interests, it is the contention of this paper that these different Australian-U.S. perspectives on China are, in fact, premised more upon some highly skewed and fallacious assumptions and beliefs, misconceptions, and myths that have lately come to underlie Australia`s China policy, than upon divergent Australian-U.S. interests. This article looks into the proposition that China`s rise has the potential to divide Australia and America, but concludes that Beijing is unlikely to succeed in driving a wedge between Washington and Canberra (or "doing a South Korea on Australia"). While in peacetime, Canberra may be unwilling to displease Beijing, Australia will ultimately side with the United States in any conflict because sitting on the fence in regional affairs has never been an option for Australia. The shared values and shared strategic interests ensure broad support for the Australia-U.S. alliance in Australia, which has now expanded into a global partnership encompassing the transnational security issues as well as the traditional geopolitical issues of managing the rise of new powers.

The Australia-U.S.-China Triangular Relationship

Mohan Malik 한국국방연구원 2006 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.15 No.4

Underutilization of Curative Treatment among Patients with Non Small Cell Lung Cancer: Experience from a Tertiary Care Centre in India

Malik, Prabhat Singh,Malik, Anita,Deo, Suryanarayana Venkata,Mohan, Anant,Mohanti, Bidhu Kalyan,Raina, Vinod Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention 2014 Asian Pacific journal of cancer prevention Vol.15 No.6

Background: Lung cancer is one of the commonest and most lethal cancers throughout the world. The majority of the patients present at advance stage and are not suitable for curative intent treatment. Even among patients with localized disease, there has been underutilization of curative treatment modalities. The aim of this study was to analyze the radical treatment utilization rates in patients with non small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) treated at our centre. Materials and Methods: We analyzed case records of 104 patients with a pathologically confirmed diagnosis of NSCLC having stage 1-3B disease who were treated at our centre over last 3 years, to assess the utilization of curative treatment modalities i.e. surgery or radical radiotherapy. Results: The median age of this cohort was 58 years. Out of 104 patients only 33 (31.7%) received curative intent treatment, 14 undergoing curative resection and 19 receiving radical doses of radiotherapy. The baseline characteristics of both the groups (with or without radical treatment) were not different. Major factors associated with underutilization with curative treatment were progressive disease or loss of follow up after chemotherapy and inappropriate use of TKI and/or palliative radiotherapy in patients with stage 1-3B disease. Patients who did not receive radical treatment had inferior PFS and OS than those who received radical treatment. Conclusions: In our practice we observed gross underutilization of curative intent treatment modalities in patients with NSCLCs which is associated with inferior survival.

Mongolia`s Policy Options in the Post-Soviet World

( Mohan Malik ) 한국국방연구원 1995 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.7 No.1

With the breakup of its mentor and protector the Soviet Union, Mongolia is confronted with very difficult policy choices indeed. In the changed circumstances, given Moscow`s inability to act as the guardian of Mongolia`s economic and strategic interests and given Mongolia`s historical suspicions about China`s irredentist ambitions, Ulan Bator has been forced to look for new and reliable economic and security partners in the post-Soviet Union, post-Cold War world. Ulan Bator is struggling to come to terms with the realities of the new geopolitical environment and exploring the opportunities for closer ties with the outside world beyond the narrow geopolitical confines of location between Russia and China so as to ensure both national independence and economic survival. Consequently, Japan, South Korea, the United States, Western Europe, the ASEAN countries, Kazakhstan, and even India have come to occupy a prominent place on Mongolian foreign policy agenda. The country is also witnessing a marked reemergence of Mongol nationalism. Buddhist religion is once again blooming in Mongolia. This article argues that during the last seven decades of Mongolia`s existence as a nation-state, geography, history, politics and economics forced a preoccupation with the neighboring giants in its north and south-the Soviet Union and China-and discouraged contacts with the countries in the east and west. The Mongol fear of annexation and absorption by its large, powerful neighboring giants has played a decisive role in the shaping of Mongolia`s worldview and external outlook in the 20th century. However, the collapse of the Soviet Union has afforded Ulan Bator the opportunity, for the first time in this century, to look east (Japan and South Korea) and west (the US, Europe and nearer home, Kazakhstan) to balance its relations with countries in the north and south (Russia and China). Mongolian strategic experts and policy makers have called upon the world to pay more attention to their country which could serve as a bulwark to Chinese and Russian expansion in the heartland of Asia. Mongolia`s national interests lie in seeing to it that it does not once again become a bone of contention between Moscow and Beijing. Following the collapse of the Russian power, Mongolia has legitimate fears about an increasingly powerful China`s intentions to supplant the former Soviet Union as the dominant power on Mongolia`s borders. Relations with its southern neighbor are on a more even keel, yet major differences with Beijing remain, given the fact that many Chinese still consider Mongolia to be "Chinese territory." However, the threat to Mongolia`s security and independence in the short to medium terms is clearly more economic than military in nature. With the weight of population and cash on Chinese side, there is a possibility that first capital/technology transfers and then population transfer could make Mongolia highly dependent on its southern neighbor. Therefore, Ulan Bator seeks to reduce its economic dependence on its neighboring giants. It goes without saying that Mongolia cannot possibly hope to cope on its own with the entire spectrum of threats-military, economic and ideological to-its security. That is why the Mongol leaders are stressing the need to integrate their country with the international economic and political system and to strengthen interaction with the developed and developing countries at international forums. Ulan Bator should be offered all the help it requires in its hour of need as Mongolia is the first and so far the only former communist country in Asia to attempt a simultaneous transition to democracy and a market economy.

Securing Australia: From Alliances to Agreements

( Mohan Malik ) 한국국방연구원 1998 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.10 No.1

Security alliances have always played a central role in the maintenance of regional and international security and have therefore served as a major instrument of Australia`s national security. The strong emphasis on security alliances and pacts in Australian defense planning can be attributed to the belief that Australia needs to team up with major powers to secure its place in the Asia-Pacific. In the post-Cold War era, since there is no clearly identifiable common threat, the "threat oriented" alliances forged during the Cold War may well be an anachronism. This paper therefore argues that the Cold War era threat oriented military alliances must transform themselves into "order oriented" alliances to meet the security challenges of the next century. The objective should be to make these order-oriented security arrangements the basis of an Asia-Pacific security community founded on shared interests, shared values and shared responsibility. This security community would maintain stability and tranquility in a multipolar setting and would not allow the domination of the region by any single state. This paper provides a conceptual framework for the new type of post-Cold War flexible, purpose-specific, loose, order-oriented security arrangements which are likely to be more widespread in the foreseeable future. Over the last few years, Australia has taken a lead in establishing order-oriented new type of flexible, purpose-specific, loose, order oriented security arrangements with regional countries. Such security arrangements, characterized by adaptability, flexibility and ambiguity, are likely to prove more adaptable and therefore will be more widespread in the foreseeable future. The conclusion of new order oriented security arrangements such as the security agreement with Indonesia, strategic partnership with Japan and political-military dialogues with Korea, China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Thailand and India constitute an integral part of Australia`s "regional defense" strategy. Regional defense is a variant of forward defense just as "defense of Australia" was a variant of "fortress Australia." As in the past, Australian defense policy in the 21st century is likely to be a mixture of the two strategies-self-reliance and forward defense. This mixture will remain the basis of Australia`s regional defense strategy based on a ring of order-oriented security arrangements and political military dialogues with regional countries.

The East Asia Community and the Role of External Powers: Ensuring Asian Multilateralism is not Shanghaied

( Mohan Malik ) 한국국방연구원 2007 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.19 No.4

This article begins by outlining the similarities and differences between the European Union (EU), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the East Asia Community (EAC) to understand the historical and political context of regional integration in three different regions. It then examines the interests, roles and concerns of three major external powers (the United States, the European Union and Russia) that have vital stakes in the future evolution of Asian multilateralism. This study argues that it is not in the interests of any of these three external powers to see one or more countries in Asia dominating the EAC or covertly working to transform regional organizations into alliances or collective security pacts, as that would not only undermine regional stability but also give a bad name to multilateralism. Of the three external powers, the United States-by virtue of its power and presence -is the most important external power and the state of its relations with regional heavyweights would inevitably influence the EAC-building process. All three external powers share a vested interest in ensuring that Asian multilateralism is not shanghaied. The future of the EAC-building, in the ultimate analysis, will be determined by several key issues, including the role of external powers, membership criteria, ASEAN`s will and capacity to remain in "the driver`s seat," the EAC`s distinctive character, utility and relationship with other existing multilateral forums (such as APEC, ARF-and last but not least, the state of China`s relations with the United States, Japan and India, which would make or mar progress toward EAC building.

The Proliferation Axis: Beijing-Islamabad-Pyongyang

( Mohan Malik ) 한국국방연구원 2003 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.15 No.1

This article discusses major proliferation trends in Asia and analyses the motivations, objectives and interests of China, Pakistan and North Korea behind WMD proliferation. It argues that China and its proxies continue to be instrumental in fueling major proliferation crises, large and small, imminent and somewhat more distant. The North Korean-Pakistan nukes-for-missiles barter deal illustrates how China is now facing the consequences of its own shortsighted policies. While China`s support for North Korea has its roots in the Cold War, Beijing`s support for Pakistan has its roots in China`s hostility toward and rivalry with India. Nuclear proliferation through networking among second-tier nuclear states and nuclear aspirants has opened a Pandora`s Box of a nuclear arms race. Pakistan`s nuclear weapons exports to North Korea not only impinge on US security interests in Northeast Asia and the Pacific, but also raise the specter of the likelihood of nuclear weapons/materials/ know-how being passed on to non-state actors. The last section provides an analysis of the implications of WMD proliferation for the Asian balance-of-power, especially for the Sino-US-Japanese triangular relationship and Sino-Korean relations. It concludes that in the absence of great power consensus and coordinated strategy, nuclear and missile proliferation may well be unstoppable in the Asia-Pacific.

Predictors of Mortality after Surgery for Empyema Thoracis in Chronic Kidney Disease Patients

Mohan Venkatesh Pulle,Harsh Vardhan Puri,Belal Bin Asaf,Sukhram Bishnoi,Manish Malik,Arvind Kumar 대한흉부외과학회 2020 Journal of Chest Surgery (J Chest Surg) Vol.53 No.6

Background: Surgical treatment of empyema thoracis in patients with chronic kidney disease is challenging, and few studies in the literature have evaluated this issue. In this study, we aim to report the surgical outcomes of empyema and to analyze factors predict- ing perioperative mortality in patients with chronic kidney disease. Methods: This retrospective study included data from 34 patients with chronic kidney disease (estimated glomerular filtration rate <60 mL/min/1.73 m2 for 3 or more months) who underwent surgery for empyema between 2012 and 2020. An analysis of demo- graphic characteristics and perioperative variables, including complications, was carried out. Postoperative mortality was the primary outcome measure. Results: Patients’ age ranged from 20 to 74 years with a 29-to-5 male-female ratio. The majority (n=19, 55.9%) of patients were in end-stage renal disease (ESRD) requiring main- tenance hemodialysis. The mean operative time was 304 minutes and the mean intraop- erative blood loss was 562 mL. Postoperative morbidity was observed in 70.5% of patients (n=24). In the subgroup analysis, higher values for operative time, blood loss, intensive care unit stay, and complications were found in ESRD patients. The mortality rate was 38.2% (n=13). In the univariate and multivariate analyses, poor performance status (East- ern Cooperative Oncology Group >2) (p=0.03), ESRD (p=0.02), and late referral (>8 weeks) (p<0.001) significantly affected mortality. Conclusion: ESRD, late referral, and poor functional status were poor prognostic factors predicting postoperative mortality. The decision of surgery should be cautiously assessed given the very high risk of perioperative morbidity and mortality in these patients.

Clinico-pathological Profile of Lung Cancer at AIIMS: A Changing Paradigm in India

Malik, Prabhat Singh,Sharma, Mehar Chand,Mohanti, Bidhu Kalyan,Shukla, N.K.,Deo, S.V.S.,Mohan, Anant,Kumar, Guresh,Raina, Vinod Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention 2013 Asian Pacific journal of cancer prevention Vol.14 No.1

Background: Lung cancer is one of the commonest and most lethal cancers throughout the world. The epidemiological and pathological profile varies among different ethnicities and geographical regions. At present adenocarcinoma is the commonest histological subtype of non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) in most of the Western and Asian countries. However, in India squamous cell carcinoma has been reported as the commonest histological type in most of the series. The aim of the study was to analyze the current clinico-pathological profile and survival of lung cancer at our centre. Materials and Methods: We analyzed 434 pathologically confirmed lung cancer cases registered at our centre over a period of three years. They were evaluated for their clinical and pathological profiles, treatment received and outcome. The available histology slides were reviewed by an independent reviewer. Results: Median age was 55 years with a male:female ratio of 4.6:1. Some 68% of patients were smokers. There were 85.3% NSCLC and 14.7% SCLC cases. Among NSCLCs, adenocarcinoma was the commonest histological subtype after the pathology review. Among NSCLC, 56.8% cases were of stage IV while among SCLC 71.8% cases had extensive stage disease. Some 29% of patients did not receive any anticancer treatment. The median overall and progression free survivals of the patients who received treatment were 12.8 and 7.8 months for NSCLC and 9.1 and 6.8 months for SCLC. Conclusions: This analysis suggests that adenocarcinoma may now be the commonest histological subtype also in India, provided a careful pathological review is done. Most of the patients present at advanced stage and outcome remains poor.

Screening of Some Carbonyl Compounds as Repellents to Honey Bees

Rajvir Singh,Hari Mohan Pal,Mahavir Gupta,Parkash Malik 한국양봉학회 1995 韓國養蜂學會誌 Vol.10 No.2