A Comparative Study on Service Trade Competitiveness: Guangxi Province of China and ASEAN Countries in the Belt and Road Initiative

Bingxian Chen,Yan Tan,Ying CHENG,Cheng-Min NONG 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2023 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.7 No.4

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has consistently been China’s closest trading partner, and Guangxi Province has emerged as a vital trading hub connecting China and ASEAN, owing to its unique geographical location and supportive government policies. Although Guangxi’s service trade has grown significantly due to the Belt and Road Initiative, its global competitiveness remains relatively weak, and there is room for improvement in the overall volume of service trade. This study begins by reviewing existing research on the subject, revealing that ASEAN outperforms Guangxi in terms of total economic volume, total foreign trade, and total service trade. However, a closer examination reveals that Guangxi has an advantage in terms of industrial structure, service trade growth rate, and foreign trade composition. Using the market share index the revealed comparative advantage index, and the trade competitiveness index, the study identifies that Guangxi exhibits higher competitiveness in the service trade than ASEAN. Furthermore, using time series data from 2008 to 2019, an econometric model is developed using the Michael Porter Diamond Model to assess the determinants of Guangxi’s service trade competitiveness. The analysis concludes that gross domestic product positively impacts service trade, with service trade openness and foreign direct investment playing pivotal roles, outweighing their influence on ASEAN. In contrast, the proportion of the labor force has the least impact on Guangxi’s service trade competitiveness. In conclusion, this study provides recommendations and policy implications for enhancing the competitiveness of Guangxi’s service trade sector.

환태평양 시대 도시의 글로컬라이제이션: 후쿠오카시의 도시외교와 도시브랜딩을 중심으로

정현일 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

This study examines the glocalization of cities in the Trans-Pacific era. To do so, it analyzes the case of Fukuoka City, which is actively leveraging the global and the local to raise its global status in the Trans-Pacific era. The theoretical perspective is based on city diplomacy and city branding, which are the practical strategies of urban glocalization. The analysis shows that Fukuoka City has responded to the Trans-Pacific era by combining the global and the local while recognizing the historical and geographical conditions of being an Asian gateway city through the cooperation of industry, academia, government, and the people. In particular, Fukuoka City has been engaged in city diplomacy in various fields, promoting the city and attracting useful resources and information. In addition, through city branding, Fukuoka City condensed various local scales that are subordinate to the global scale, such as Kyushu, Japan, and Asia, and established the identities of “Asian Base City”, “Mature City in Asia”, and “Asian Leader City”. These identities were embodied in policies, landscapes, logos, slogans, and large-scale events to solidify Fukuoka’s status as an Asian city. In this way, Fukuoka City has consistently and faithfully carried out “glocal externalization” through city diplomacy and “glocal internalization” through city branding from the 1980s to the present, and as a result, its status on the global scale has increased, attracting international organizations dedicated to Asia and the Trans-Pacific. In conclusion, Fukuoka City’s glocalization has been about condensing multilayered local scales into the city through public-private partnerships, thereby strengthening its connectivity to the global scale. Fukuoka City’s glocalization, which actively connects various scales through public-private partnerships, demonstrates a model and potential for cities to become more competitive in the Trans-Pacific era. This study provides a strategy and direction for glocalization that can be adopted by many “ordinary cities” in the Trans-Pacific era.

자유주의와 문명주의: 미국과 중국의 국제질서를 둘러싼 패권 경쟁

차창훈 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

State identity, ideology and foreign policy mean that the legitimacy of a specific international order depends upon the supporting ideology and distribution of state identities. After the cold war, liberal international order became to have the ideologically constitutive power of legitimation as a standard of civilization. Non compliant states to eurocentric liberalism have been excluded out standard civilization with diplomatic rhetoric and policy. In this sense, the states like China have difficulty in accepting the hegemonic ideology of liberal order, because it is not consistent with its own worldview. China is trying to find its own ideology like ‘civilizationalism’ that draws from its own history. Liberal international order has been managed by socialization and stigmatization. Stigmatization comes with ontological security. States unsatisfied with liberal international order try to obtain the foundation of counter hegemony with civilizationalism. They articulates symbolic rhetoric of their specific identities with civilizationalism. There are four categories of their response, which are liberal performance, liberal mimicry, civilizational essentialization and counter norm entrepreneurship to seek for counter ideology. There are three scenarios of outlook for ideological hegemonic competition between US and China. First, there will be a stable consistency of liberal coalition among US and Western countries. Second, liberal international order will be threatened but not substituted and dismantled. Third, transition to a new Chinese order will be realized. The China’s search for it, however, seems not to be optimistic. The western hegemony for international order will be sustained according to the current international distribution of state identities.

중국 ‘일대일로’ 기획의 정치경제: ‘동원된 세계화’의 국내적 조건을 중심으로

박상현 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

Since President Xi Jinping announced the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ in 2013, the 10th anniversary of the Belt and Road Initiative was celebrated in 2023. The process of initiating and implementing the Belt and Road Initiative reflected domestic political and economic conditions in China. After the 2008-09 global financial crisis, the Chinese economy experienced a rapid slowdown in growth, and Xi Jinping proposed the Belt and Road Initiative as an external strategy to realize the ‘Chinese Dream’ by strengthening the role of the party and the state. Much of the Belt and Road Initiative took the form of large-scale civil engineering and construction projects led by Chinese state-owned enterprises based on China’s aggressive foreign investment and loans. Since 2018, construction investment has been decreasing, but it is still forming the central axis of the Belt and Road Initiative. At the same time, as paired with the Chinese Manufacturing 2025 Industrial Policy, which promotes the advancement of the Chinese industry, ‘high-quality’ development plans such as the ‘Digital Silk Road’, the ‘Health Silk Road’, and the ‘Green Silk Road’ are being proposed. At the same time, Belt and Road Initiative is becoming the framework of China’s ‘international influence competition’ amid strategic competition between the US and China.

중국의 대중남미 디지털 실크로드 프로젝트에 관한 고찰

김영석 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

This study aims to analyze China’s rapid digital expansion in Latin America and the Caribbean(LAC) as China’s challenge to American hegemony continues, focusing on China’s Digital Silk Road(DSR) project, LAC’s digital infrastructure and start-up ecosystem. The analysis results are summarized as follows. First, China aims to boost exports of IT products and software, including 5G communication equipment, to LAC through the DSR project. Additionally, China seeks to enhance the presence of its platform companies in the LAC market and exert influence in shaping “standards” in applied digital technologies. Presently, 21 out of the 33 LAC countries are engaged in China’s DSR initiative. Second, despite the expansion of China’s DSR project in LAC, the involvement of Chinese tech companies in LAC digital economies remains limited. Companies like Huawei are establishing mobile infrastructure networks spanning from 2G to 5G and offering data center and cloud services in the region. However, the progression of Chinese tech firms in LAC has significantly slowed down due to U.S. sanctions against Huawei. Third, The involvement of Chinese tech companies in the LAC startup ecosystem is comparatively limited when contrasted with their American counterparts. The presence of major Chinese tech companies in the LAC market is limited, and Chinese venture capital investment in LAC remains modest. Furthermore, startup’s Exit through an initial public offering (IPO) on the Chinese stock market are exceedingly rare. Finally, considering the aforementioned analysis results, it is evaluated that China’s DSR initiative in LAC has not achieved significant success thus far, and China’s influence in the LAC digital transformation has not reached a point where it poses a threat to US hegemony.

개발협력의 다층적 거버넌스와 지방정부의 글로컬ODA: 부산글로벌도시재단 개발협력 사례를 중심으로

연경심 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

This study explored the role of local governments in conducting development cooperation actively by conceptualizing Glocal ODA. Recently, the global governance of development cooperation has been changed by the presence of various actors and their roles. In a spectrum of changes, it was witnessed that vertical connectivity between global and local aspects in development affairs. COVID-19 ignited horizontal relations for co-existence and solidarity. These were interpreted as multi-level governance which emphasized the role of connecting spatial hierarchy and horizontal relations in development cooperation affairs. Local governments could be an entity to materialize it. This study conceptualized it as Glocal ODA and investigated the current status of ODA conducted by local governments. And then, it was reached to the implications for local governments on how to satisfy the required actions in the changed atmosphere of development cooperation. Traditionally, development cooperation has been regarded as a sector mainly led by nation states and their central governments. It is aligned with the newly discussed issues of decentralised development co-operation. This study carried out an analytical framework presenting the features of Glocal ODA and investigated the trends and cases of decentralized development co-operation by local governments in overseas countries. In order to present the implications for domestic local governments, these were compared with the status and cases of ODA condcuted by local governments in domestic areas. As results, domestic local governments were not critically away from the demands of Glocal ODA but still struggling with the limits. Thus, this study proposed three ideas: redefining the roles of local governments as a part of global society beyond domestic aspects, enhancing the intuitions, policies, resources and contents of development cooperation interventions by local government in pursuit of being active players and empowering the systems and capacities of local governments, the development cooperation actors in global society rather than the entity under the guidance of central governments.

중동부 유럽의 가족 정책이 한국에 주는 시사점: 헝가리 사례를 중심으로

이하얀 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

In 2011, the total fertility rates of South Korea and Hungary were very similar, at 1.24 and 1.23 children per woman, respectively. However, by 2020, Hungary’s rate had risen to 1.56, while South Korea’s had plummeted to 0.84, marking the lowest fertility rate worldwide. During this period, South Korea invested approximately 379.8 trillion won to combat the low birth rate issue, yet the fertility rate continued to decline. In contrast, Hungary achieved notable success through comprehensive family policies, seeking solutions to overcome the low birth rate problem. Hungary’s approach emphasizes the importance of family, reflecting a deep commitment to the nation’s future and sustainable development. This paper analyzes how Hungary achieved these results and emphasizes the need for a multifaceted approach and a comprehensive strategy for application in South Korea. South Korea’s low fertility issue demands profound social and cultural changes beyond mere economic incentives, and Hungary’s family-centered policies provide an important case study for such transformation. The success of the Hungarian model originates from a deep recognition that considers the existence of families and children as core elements for the biological reproduction and sustainable development of the national community. This offers significant insights for exploring new directions in solving South Korea’s low fertility issue. Therefore, South Korea should consider the Hungarian model, aiming to increase the birth rate through the construction of social infrastructure, strengthening of education and childcare systems, and comprehensive support for families.

소련의 해체와 ‘지연된 내전’: 우크라이나 전쟁의 역사적 기원

윤종희 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

Geopolitical perspectives that view the war in Ukraine as ‘a proxy war’ between the US-EU and Russia often overlook the issues between the two warring states. Why did the once peaceful relationship between the two countries turns hostile after 2014, and was this change accidental or temporary? This study examines the evolution of the bilateral relationship on a long-term time horizon that spans the history of the USSR. When the USSR dissolved, both countries had to repartition their territories, populations, and assets. However, in order to avoid following the fate of Yugoslavia, they have addressed this issue in an economic and diplomatic manner. After the turbulent 1990s, Russia’s political and economic structure remained largely unchanged, while Ukraine went through two major political crises (most notably the 2014 Maidan political revolution) that saw the far right, which is hostile to Russia, seize power. The far right did not emerge by accident, but has long historical origins. As the nature of the government in Kiev has changed, peaceful resolution of bilateral issues is no longer possible. Moreover, active US-EU support for the government in Kiev has strengthened the power of the far right, leading to the disappearance of politics in Ukraine. Regardless of how the war ends, relations between the two countries will never return to previous state again.

EU 탄소 국경 조정 제도 분석 및 중국의 대응

두효우,김호 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

Carbon tariffs are a global debate with legal and structural shortcomings that need addressing. The European Union’s shift in its carbon border adjustment mechanism in October 2023 is likely to increase global awareness and acceptance of carbon tariffs. While they can aid the shift to a low-carbon economy, they may also cause conflicts between international trade and the environment, impacting clean energy innovation, industrial upgrades, and multilateral trade system stability. This paper analyzes the theory of carbon tariffs, the EU’s CBAM system, and associated risks. It proposes strategies for China to respond: 1) Balance economic and greenhouse gas challenges, negotiate with the EU, and collaborate for a fair carbon tariff system. 2) Actively cooperate on carbon tariffs, engage in multilateral negotiations, considering both advanced and developing countries. 3) Protect legal rights through necessary WTO measures against discriminatory issues. 4) Enhance China’s domestic carbon pricing. 5) Supplement the green tax policy. 6) Lastly, promote technological innovation and clean energy investments for carbon reduction, establish a legal basis for the “Paris Agreement,” and aim for carbon peaking by 2030 and neutrality by 2060 through effective policies and measures.

메콩 소지역의 교통 인프라와 개발격차: Greater Mekong Subregion(GMS)을 중심으로

이요한 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

The Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) is a project initiated by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to promote economic cooperation in the Mekong sub-region, including Laos, Myanmar, Cambodia, Thailand, the Philippines, and China (specifically Yunnan and Guangxi provinces). ADB considers GMS as one of the most successful cooperation programs in Asia, emphasizing the need for continuous investment in transportation infrastructure to foster economic growth and trade expansion. However, expanding transportation infrastructure may lead to widening development gaps. This study highlights that while the construction of GMS transportation infrastructure has led to increased connectivity, trade, GDP per capita, and inflow of foreign direct investment, challenges remain in alleviating development gap(disparities). Disparities in GDP and GDP per capita growth rates among GMS countries, particularly in Laos and Myanmar, have exacerbated development gaps. The trade deficit with China has expanded, serving as an example of the backwash effect, while Logistics Performance Index (LPI) and Human Development Index (HDI) clearly demonstrate development gaps. To grow as a competitive and sustainable economic integration model, efforts are needed to address the underrepresentation of low-developed countries in GMS transportation infrastructure investment and to improve human development indices. Therefore, enhancing human resource development and employment generation in low-developed countries, along with active participation in projects aimed at mitigating development gaps, is essential for all external developing partners, including Korea.