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Mapping Algorithm of Semantic Interpretation in Korean Multiple Nominative Constructions
전윤호 한국언어연구학회 2019 언어학연구 Vol.24 No.3
This paper investigates the relation between Korean nominal markers (case, topic, focus stress, etc.) and the semantic interpretations each of them induces in multiple nominative constructions (MNC). Adopting Jeon’s (2019b) proposal, which is the revised version of Diesing’s (1992) mapping hypothesis, and Ha’s (2014) applicative approach, I show that in MNCs a generic reading is licensed in the restrictive clause (TopP/FocP) by binding by the null generic operator GEN and an existential/episodic reading can be derived by existential closure in ApplP, which is the nuclear scope. It will be shown that nominative-marked NPs in MNCs are all licensed by an applicative head and are represented in the vP-type projection, ApplP. This mapping structure is supported by the analysis in Jeon (2019b), which presents the evidence against the lexical division of stage- and individual- level predicates, arguing for a distinction dependent on syntactic contexts.
전윤호 한국생성문법학회 2019 생성문법연구 Vol.29 No.2
This paper proposes a mapping algorithm for generic constructions. By adopting, yet modifying Diesing’s (1992) proposal, I suggest a mapping structure for generic interpretation. In particular, primarily based on Korean data, I pin down TopP/FocP as the scope for the generic operator. This new mapping algorithm can be further applied to the so-called ECM construction where the semantic subject of the embedded clause carries the accusative case, which always begged the question about its precise structural position. If the proposed mapping system is true, it can shed new light on this matter. In addition, I also present evidence against inherently dividing verbs into stage-level and individual-level, arguing for a distinction purely dependent on syntactic contexts. Given this, the proposed mapping algorithm in this paper can provide an account for the generic representation in kind-referring indefinite nominals and in characterizing predicates together.