Recovering the common root of science and politics: Reading Descartes and Hobbes with Vico

Ephraim, Laura Northwestern University 2010 해외박사(DDOD)

This project investigates the historical relationship between modern science and politics, in order to reopen the question of science's place in a democratic society. In contemporary political theory and practice, we tend to take for granted that science constitutively excludes political opinion or eschews involvement in political affairs. This familiar view of science's opposition with politics encourages some to laud science as a corrective for political interest or ignorance. It encourages others (particularly within democratic theory) to raise concerns about science's devaluation of the political faculties that democracies require. I recover a less familiar understanding of science's relationship to politics from the work of several thinkers who are commonly remembered as architects of the science-politics opposition: Rene Descartes, Thomas Hobbes, and Giambattista Vico. My readings seek to show that common sense, political judgment, and the rhetorical imagination played an enabling role in the re-founding of science. I argue that these political faculties actually nourished the creative, revolutionary energies of modern science, even if many scientific innovators were tempted to sublimate these energies in the name of renewed authority. Conventional views of Descartes and Hobbes as founders of absolutist views of science and politics are not wrong, but I argue that they are incomplete. Both Descartes and Hobbes elicited political judgment in order to nurture science's critical, revolutionary spirit. Only then did they disavow the common people (and common sense itself) as an unruly threat to the "new science." Vico, in contrast, refuses the opposition between politics and science that Descartes and Hobbes at once violate and install. His genealogies uncover science and politics' shared root in rhetorical speech. Extending Vico's genealogical approach, this dissertation augments recent critiques of the scientific quest for the Archimedean "view-from-nowhere," while resisting the tendency of post-positivist scholars to treat opinion -- the view from somewhere -- as a rut where scientific thinking gets stuck. Descartes, Hobbes and Vico each recognized the value to science of perspectival thinking and political opinion. Above all, this dissertation pursues new ways of understanding how scientific thinking and the practice of democracy may enrich, limit, and transform one another today.

The invention of political science

Dauber, Noah Harvard University 2006 해외박사(DDOD)

This dissertation tells the story of how political philosophy became a science between the thirteenth and the seventeenth century. Unlike the standard account which opposes an early conception of political knowledge as a kind of practical or skill knowledge to a later conception of political knowledge as a theoretical science, it is argued that there was a theoretical science of politics from the thirteenth century on, after politics was adopted as a subject fit for university teaching. The change in the conception of political science over this period came thus not from its formulation as a theoretical discipline but through its relationship to natural philosophy and medicine. The dissertation shows how conceptions of political science came to resemble natural philosophy more and more over this period. At first, authors such as Albert the Great were concerned that the new theoretical explanatory science of politics not resemble natural philosophy. Albert's insistence that such a science be explanatory as well as ethical led to his criticism of the method of the best regime and an appreciation of empiricism. These themes, it is argued, were echoed in the Florentine Renaissance, where thinkers such as Machiavelli and Guicciardini are shown to be more continuous with the thinking of the thirteenth century than usually realized. The position which conceived of politics (and human action more generally) as distinct from natural phenomena and its study thus distinct from that of natural philosophy gradually gave way over the sixteenth century. This transformation is especially visible in the context of astrological explanations of political behavior, which discussed politics in terms of the natural philosophy of the day. Astrological explanation introduced efficient and material cause explanation into politics, thus making it resemble natural philosophy more closely. This resemblance was also furthered by a group of professors of medicine in Germany who applied the methods of generalization about empirical phenomena to politics. These methods included "for the most part" reasoning, a forerunner of modern probabilistic methods. Taken together, this new sort of causal explanation of political behavior and the methods of empirical generalization constituted a new science of politics.

行動論的 『어프로우치』가 政治學에 미친 影響에 관한 硏究 : 現代政治學의 性格分析을 中心으로

이정길 漢陽大學校 大學院 1972 국내석사

The birth of political science (Plato, Aristotle, Thucydides)

Noyes, Chad Elliott Harvard University 2003 해외박사(DDOD)

This thesis seeks to uncover the roots of political science in ancient political thought, specifically in Plato, Aristotle and Thucydides. The thesis defines political science as the account of the rule of reason given by those who consider the universe to be nothing more than matter in motion and therefore devoid of objective standards for the adjudication of claims to rule among human beings. The argument of the thesis is that the ancient account of political science anticipates most of the central developments typically held to be innovations in modern political science, with specific reference to the theory of human subjectivity, the nature of citizenship and civic virtue, the logic and limits of foreign policy realism, and the importance for modern democratic theory of such innovations as representation, human rights and administrative governance. As the ancient thinkers developed their account of political science through the study of democracy, which was believed to be the regime that most resembles the political-scientific account of political life, the thesis is also a study of the relevance of ancient democracy for the theory and practice of modern democracy.

Formal evolutionary modeling and the problems of political science

Smirnov, Oleg University of Oregon 2005 해외박사(DDOD)

Formal theory in political science is an approach to studying political phenomena through the language of logic and mathematics. Is a science of politics possible? Formal political theory has lead to many advances in the discipline; however, it is facing an increasing number of challenges. I argue that some of the most serious challenges to formal theory can be addressed with a synthesis of game theory, computational modeling, and the theory of evolution. Ultimately, I claim that the science of politics is, in fact, possible if political theory is based upon a rigorous foundation of mathematics and if it is also systematically connected to the life sciences. I start by examining common challenges to formal political theory, including the assumption of hyper-rationality and a related problem of incorrect predictions about human behavior. This examination suggests that the fundamental problem that formal theorists face is not methodological but rather substantive--an imperfect model of a man. To emphasize the importance of a good underlying such model, I present the case of prospect theory--a formal scientific analysis of human behavior devoid of sound evolutionary basis (in social sciences). To discover a good model of a man, formal theorists may have to turn to the theory of evolution. However, the solution will be more substantive than methodological--as is the problem. Evolutionary theory is a formal theory and it is a natural step forward for formal theorists since the logic of evolution can be expressed mathematically. I show that formal evolutionary modeling--evolutionary game theory, models of adaptive learning, and evolutionary computation (computer simulation)--can be useful for addressing some of the most challenging problems of political science without abandoning the rigor of logic and mathematics. I apply formal evolutionary models to three different issues: endogenous agenda-setting, cooperation and altruistic punishment, heroism and intergroup violence. The models I develop are designed to provide realistic empirically testable predictions consistent with the view of human behavior now emerging from the life sciences.

It's more than just 'how women think': Explaining the nature and causes of gender gaps in political preferences

Caughell, Leslie A University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 2012 해외박사(DDOD)

Women hold political beliefs that differ systematically from those of men, a phenomenon scholars call "gender gaps." The collective opinions of women tend to favor social welfare policies and spending on these policies, while women oppose the use of force at home and abroad. Far from being inconsequential, empirical research indicates that these gender gaps in political preferences create gender gaps in vote choice and party identification (Kaufmann and Petrocik, 1999; Norrander, 1999; Kanthak and Norrander, 2004). The partisan gender gap has done a great deal to shape modern American politics. A majority of the last five presidents won office with thin margins of victory. More women identifying with the Republican Party or its candidates would have changed electoral returns and, in some cases, the winning candidate. The implications of gender gaps also reach far beyond political science. For instance, some scholars argue that fostering human freedom and individual autonomy is the best way to alleviate poverty, ensure social justice, and cultivate human development (Nussbaum 1995; 1999; 2003; Sen 1990a; 1990b; 1993; 1997; 1999a; 1999b). This human capabilities approach advances human freedom, understood in terms of opportunities available to individuals rather than traditional economic indicators, as a way to evaluate a state's developmental status (Sen, 1990a; 1990b; 1993; 1997; 1999a; 1999b). Other scholars argue that governments must go beyond merely creating the conditions sufficient for an individual to choose to exercise certain capabilities (Phillips, 2001). Distributional differences in economic, social, and political resources limit the ability of some individuals to fully develop these capabilities. Scholars like Anne Phillips argue that this fundamental problem becomes obscured by an emphasis on choice: those concerned with advancing human development must consider not only capabilities, but also the structural inequalities that place some at a political disadvantage in developing or exercising them. This critique focuses scholarly attention on what preconditions must be considered essential for individuals to make a "meaningful" political choice. The practical and normative importance of how choices, or political preferences, emerge suggests the centrality of gender gaps for those studying politics and those trying to advance human development. Despite this importance, much remains unknown about how these gender gaps have changed over time and what factors influence their emergence. This dissertation begins to address these questions. I begin by studying how gender gaps have changed over the last sixty years and by examining how these gaps vary across different demographic groups who possess different levels of politically relevant resources. In Chapter Two, I use American National Election Studies (NES) data from 1948 to 2008 to determine how gender gaps in policy preferences have changed as women have made significant economic, political, and social gains. My results indicate that gender gaps have been decreasing in the areas of civil rights and government function, while holding steady or increasing slightly on preferences related to morality, social policy, and foreign policy. The next section of Chapter Two uses data from the 2000 and 2004 National Annenberg Election Surveys (NAES) to determine the size of gender gaps across demographic groups. Empirical political science research suggests that low levels of political knowledge may impede the functioning of one capability, an individual's ability to exercise control over his or her environment (Nussbaum, 2000). I examine whether four demographic characteristics correlated with levels of political knowledge alter the size of gender gaps among citizens: gender, race, income, and education. I find that gender gaps in these years vary based on characteristics that may place some at a political advantage relative to others. The largest gender gaps tend to emerge among citizens of higher socioeconomic status, a surprising finding since research suggests that these individuals are best able to form political preferences that reflect their underlying political predispositions. These results provide empirical evidence of how gender gaps vary with different distributions of politically relevant resources, a central concern for critics of the human capabilities approach. After describing gender gaps in multiple issue areas over a sixty year period and gender gaps within demographic subgroups, Chapter Three begins to explore the various biological, sociological, and political frameworks scholars use to explain gender gaps. Chapter Three also draws testable hypotheses from each framework. By drawing together these disparate theories and areas of research, this chapter facilitates more complex theoretical tests of women's preference formation than political scientists have previously articulated. I conduct such tests in Chapters Four and Five. Chapters Four and Five explore the nature and causes of gender gaps in two issues areas where gender gaps appear most prevalent and stable: foreign policy and social policy. Using data from the 2000, 2004, and 2008 presidential elections, I demonstrate that the opinions expressed by women during the three presidential election years follow the expectations that emerge from the literature on gender gaps. Women surveyed across these presidential elections express less support for military interventions than men. Women also express more support for social welfare programs than men. One potential cause of these gaps may be different attitude structures used by men and women to form political preferences. I analyze attitude structures, providing evidence men and women use similar considerations when forming policy preferences. These chapters then go on to use data simulations to estimate how much gender differences in the factors identified in Chapter Three affect the size of gender gaps (Althaus, 1998; 2003; Bartels, 1996; Delli Carpini and Keeter, 1996). This analysis suggests that the uneven distribution of these factors between men and women contributes to the development of gender gaps. Yet different factors emerge as more important contributors to the development of gender gaps in different issue areas. Biological considerations and political knowledge appear to contribute to gender gaps in foreign policy, while feminist consciousness and gender role socialization appear to contribute more to gender gaps in social policy. The concluding chapter of this dissertation outlines the findings of the three empirical chapters. It also returns to a discussion of the practical and normative significance of these findings. The empirical analyses in this dissertation trace gender gaps across time and issue domains, identify the factors that may underlie them, and estimate how these factors alter political preferences and, consequently, the size of gender gaps. This approach provides political scientists with a better understanding of the nature and origins of gender gaps. Studying these different factors together begins to move political scientists away from a fragmented study of women's behavior in separate topical domains toward broader theoretical tests of gender gaps in preferences, tests that recognize the complex interplay between gender and political behavior. This approach also ties questions about gender gaps to those in fields such as evolutionary biology and economics, which ask important questions about how material and social differences condition women's political behavior. A richer theoretical and empirical study of gender gaps can improve our understanding of women's political behavior, and remains a fascinating area of political science that warrants further study.

Science in environmental policy: Defining species under the federal Endangered Species Act

Roland, Helen Elizabeth University of California, Davis 2005 해외박사(DDOD)

Previous work on the role of science in decision making found that science serves as a strategic resource in political battles, a foundation for social movements, or information that becomes so widely accepted by both the science establishment and the public that policy makers are force to incorporate it into their political calculations. I proposed, however, that scientific information can affect policy in a more direct way. I hypothesized that science qua science is likely to impact regulatory policy if, early in the implementation chain, agencies are required to use "the best available science" in defining critical terms and conditions controlling the application of the law. To investigate my thesis I focused on the development of the National Marine Fisheries Service's (NMFS) evolutionarily significant unit policy (ESU) and the joint Fish and Wildlife Service and NMFS' distinct population policy (DPS). Both policies explicate a regulatory definition of "species" under the Endangered Species Act (ESA). I found evidence that science played a central role in the ESU policy and, to a lesser degree, in the DPS policy. However, the administrations' management of the agencies assured that the scientific approach would result in restrictive policies. The Reagan and Bush administrations' used executive appointments, civil service assignments and agency reorganization to limit the listings. For example, newly hired agency lawyers narrowly construed the agencies' authority, although broader interpretations were possible. This reading framed the questions that the scientists addressed. While other researchers have noted that lawyers can constrain agency science (e.g., Powell 1999), they do not focus on how the agency interpretation of Congressional intent circumscribes potential scientific inputs. My research suggests that future research on the role of science in policy should. Moreover, administrative control over which scientists developed the policy ensured that future listings would require a higher burden of proof. My research implies that a strong Executive Office can substantively alter a regulatory regime without pressuring personnel to guarantee a specific outcome. Future research on the role of science in environmental policy should address the more subtle control of science which results from a presidential administration's management decisions.

On the generation of new natures (Francis Bacon, Thomas Hobbes)

Smith, Travis Douglas Harvard University 2005 해외박사(DDOD)

This thesis investigates the nexus between science, politics, ethics and religion with a focus on the place of medicine in modernity. Progress in medical science is such that it now seems likely that soon, means of changing human nature will be developed. But the furthermost goals of medicine are problematic for modern liberal democracy. In response to the present situation, I return to the original formulation of the modern scientific project in order to see whether or not it can explain our predicament and whether or not there may be any solutions to it consistent with modern political goods. In the writings of Francis Bacon I find that the pursuit of the furthermost goals of medicine is entrenched within the modern project from the start. Bacon subordinated everything else to them, rendering politics, morality and religion instrumental. It is difficult to resist the technological imperative morally or politically when morality and politics have been reengineered in accordance with it. In chapter one I review Bacon's criticism of the medical tradition and his hopes for a certain science of medicine. In chapter two I show how he directs his entire natural philosophical project from the bottom up toward the transformation of man. In chapter three I read those texts of Bacon's which focus specifically on medicine closely, seeking their purposes and justifications. In chapter four I consider the role of religion in the project, or lack thereof. In chapter five, I describe Bacon's subordination of the human things, including politics, to natural science, while examining Bacon's attempts to be politic while doing so. In chapter six I explore Descartes' version of the Baconian project, focusing on his ideas regarding medicine and emphasizing his separation of science from politics as a more indirect way of subordinating politics to science. Chapter seven, on Hobbes, is the beginning of a political criticism of the Baconian project from within modernity. Science is political, and politics cannot be subordinated to it. I interpret Hobbes in order to show why the furthermost goals of medicine must be rejected for modern political reasons.

The political scientist as painkiller (John Dewey)

Meilleur, Maurice J Indiana University 2004 해외박사(DDOD)

Working from the pragmatic instrumentalism of John Dewey, I argue that the positivist temper of mainstream political science and the theory-driven nature of that mainstream's critics, their shared preoccupation with methodologically established disciplinary identities, and their underdeveloped understanding of public scholarship, have together left both the "empirical" and the "normative" study of politics disengaged from politics and public life. After describing Dewey's reconstructive method of political inquiry and defending its central and intrinsic commitment to expansive and participatory democracy, I review the history of the development of the mainstream positivist temper, showing that while it responded to real political and intellectual problems, its proponents depended on a narrow and severely flawed set of models of science. Their opponents, however, took these models as given and simply rejected the application of science to politics, leading to their own form of detachment from empirical engagement with politics. This fruitless division of tendencies has been more or less frozen into political science since the 1970s. Using case studies of public opinion research and public deliberation theory, I conclude that political science as it is now has failed our aspirations meaningfully to contribute to democratic politics, and on its own terms to advance political inquiry. I argue for a "painkilling" political science, based on Dewey's reconstructive theory of inquiry, and a view of public scholarship as contributing to the conditions under which solutions to the problems of the day can emerge (rather than having necessarily to craft those solutions ourselves). This would entail a political science defined not as a discipline around a set of methods, but as a profession around inquiry into a set of political problems---questions about structures of power, legitimacy, public deliberation, and collective judgment.

Climate, weather, and political behavior

Cohen, Alexander H The University of Iowa 2011 해외박사(DDOD)

This dissertation explores the extent to which weather and climate systematically affect political behavior. The idea that weather (and other elements of the natural world) exercise a fundamental influence on politics has long been a theme in classical and modern political thought. As political science moved from pure description to a more social-scientific form of analysis, scholars became less interested in understanding the impact of climate. If mentioned at all, weather typically is referred to as one of the various elements making up the "error term" in our statistical analyses. Recent work in the natural and social sciences, however, has suggested there are systematic and important links between weather, climate, and behavior. This work (which I review) not only inspires a return to a traditional focus of political analysis, but more importantly provides a number of hypotheses to guide our analysis of politics. Inclement weather increases the costs of moving from place to place. Sunlight enhances while extreme temperature depresses mood. Finally, hot weather is associated with enhanced aggression. These correlates of climate have implications for a variety of subfields across political science, including comparative politics and international relations. This dissertation concentrates primarily, however, on American politics, particularly from a behavioral perspective. To see if weather has a significant effect on politics, then, I explore behavior in four settings that have been especially important in mainstream studies: Presidential approval; social capital; Election Day voting; and finally elite participation (in the form of abstention on roll call voting). In terms of the first, if (as Zaller argues) a response to a telephone survey indeed entails a summing up of 'considerations' regarding an issue rather than expression of a 'true' attitude, then it is likely sunlight should stimulate positive responses to questions because it encourages the release of serotonin, which makes people more positive in general. Controlled logistic regression of sunlight on Presidential approval reveals that, in spring, sunlight boosts approval. The next chapter explores how hot climates and rain may reduce levels of social capital. This is because heat boosts levels of aggression, which should diminish helping behavior, and because rain makes it more difficult to volunteer and associate with other people. Analysis of state-level social capital data and city-level volunteer data provides some evidence that these propositions are correct. The third empirical chapter focuses upon voting on Election Day. While it finds that rain does have a depressive effect upon voting rates among the poor due to raising the costs associated with voting, there is little evidence that vote choice is affected by the weather. The final empirical chapter examines how weather conditions may affect voting rates among members of the United States House of Representatives, which seems possible because, like regular citizens during Election Day, House members pay costs when visiting the Capital to vote, and unpleasant weather could comprise a real if minor cost. OLS regression at the vote-level and logistic regression at the legislator level reveals that in the winter and spring, sunlight boosts voting, while summer humidity depresses voting and heat in winter has a positive effect. While these conclusions are interesting in themselves and meaningfully contribute to contemporary academic discussions, they further suggest some things about how we thing about political science. In particular, analyses of political topics could often be enhanced by reflectively considering the contents of the error term, as this exercise can offer new and useful perspective on current scholarship. Further, this dissertation also suggests that political science (and research in general) could benefit from taking a more comprehensive view of the environmental context of human behavior.