부시의 對北政策과 南·北韓 關係 = George W. Bush's policy toward the North Korea & relations of South to North Korea

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

The Bush administration, including George W. Bush himself, the Secretary of Defence D. Rumsfeld, the Deputy Secretary of Defense P. Wolfowitz, and other high-ranking officials, acknowledged as a threatening factor the mass destruction weapons of violent countries like North Korea, and their security policy emphasized that they would put their first priority in their policy on Non-proliferation of mass destruction weapons, counter-proliferation of mass destruction weapons, missile defense, the United States' unilateral reduction of nuclear weapons, and justified launching a missile defense system by clearly defining their moral obligations for nonproliferation of mass destruction weapons.
The Bush Administration determined to proceed with their policy toward North Korea based on transparence, inspection of evidence, and mutualism, urged North Korea to change their attitude. With this in view, this study focused in its objective on elucidating transitions in North Korean-American relations through an analysis of Bush Administration policy toward North Korea and then analysing the question of how changes in North Korean-American relations affect the relations between South and North Korea.
The methodology of this study depended very largely upon a descriptive approach and a historical approach. The former was based on the data collected for the present study and related literature, while the latter on an analysis of the historical origins of the United States diplomatic policy and changes in its policy toward Northeastern Asia and North Korea.
The fact that the United States manifested its position to take a drastic measure against problems related to terrorism and mass destruction weapons by putting its first priority on fighting against terrorism, makes it difficult to have reconcilable relations between North Korea and the United States. It is expected that North Korean-American relations would not be easily smooth inasmuch as the Bush Administration emphasizes mutualism, inspection of evidence, and checking on one side and on the other has a critic position for the material compensation of North Korea. On the other hand, North Korea would not also concede its position easily since they recognizes their nuclear weapons and missiles as their final fort. Concurrently with this, South Korea does not wish north Korean-American relations to come to the worst situation and form a crisis in the Korean Peninsula. Even though the relations between north Korea and the United States are at a stalemate, there would be an outlet to mediate dialogues between south and north Korea.
It is expected that vital issues pending between south and north Korea take a considerable length of time in solution, but endeavors on the south Korean side are needed for the expectation of amicable relations, as follows
First, The south Korea government should make efforts to lead north Korean nuclear and mass destruction weapons to peaceful use.
Second, problems pending between north Korea and the United States are recommended to be solved in the way that they could be conducive to national interests based on a long-term plan.
Third, it is needed to establish the firm identity of policy toward north Korea.
Fourth, we need to lead the people to get out of their warphobia.
Fifth, it is required that we should liquidate cold war culture and disentangle complicated matters among classes and regions prevalent in contemporary society.
Finally, persevering endeavors are a prerequisite for being prepared for unification in the future.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 목차 = ⅰ
• Ⅰ. 서론 = 1
• 1.1. 연구목적 = 1
• 1.2. 연구의 범위와 방법 = 2
• Ⅱ. 부시행정부의 대북정책 배경 = 4
• 2.1. 안보환경의 변화에 대한 부시행정부의 인식 = 4
• 2.2. 클린턴 행정부의 대북정책에 대한 비판 = 9
• Ⅲ. 부시행정부의 대북정책 전개 = 13
• 3.1. 대북정책의 기조 = 13
• 3.1.1. 9·11테러 사태 이전의 대북정책 기조 = 13
• 3.1.2. 9·11테러사태 이후의 대북정책 기조 = 21
• 3.2. 대북정책의 쟁점과 내용 = 23
• 3.2.1. 핵 개발 및 경수로 문제 = 24
• 3.2.2. 미사일 문제 = 27
• 3.2.3. 재래식 군사력 문제 = 29
• 3.2.4. 불량국가 지정 문제 = 30
• 3.2.5. 인권문제 = 31
• Ⅳ. 부시행정부의 대북정책과 남북한 관계 = 34
• 4.1. 북한의 입장 = 34
• 4.2. 한국의 입장 = 39
• 4.3. 남·북한 관계에 미치는 영향 = 43
• 4.4. 한반도 평화를 위한 안보외교의 과제 = 46
• Ⅴ. 결론 : 북 · 미 관계 전망 및 대책 = 52
• 참고문헌 = 63
• ABSTRACT = 66