RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      서유럽의 우파 포퓰리즘 = (The) Right-wing populism in Western Europe

      한글로보기

      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T9755073

      • 0

        상세조회
      • 0

        다운로드
      서지정보 열기
      • 내보내기
      • 내책장담기
      • 공유하기
      • 오류접수

      부가정보

      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

      The literature on populism has long been plagued by difficulties in defining exactly what the term means. Although frequently used by authors, historians, the term is exceptionally vague and refers in different contexts to a variety of phenomena.
      Populism, understood as an appeal to 'the people' against both the established structure of power and the dominant ideas and values. So populism has been a tool of progressive, of reactionaries, of democrats, of the left and the right.
      During the past several years, right-wing populist parties have made impressive electoral gains in a growing number of West European countries. Their dramatic surge to political prominence has obscured the fact that these parties hardly form a homogeneous party group.
      The French experience of right-wing populism is embodied in the success of the Front National(FNF), which has become a symbol for the far right in Europe generally. And another prominent figure of this is Jorg Haider in Austria. They are radical in their rejection of the established socio-cultural and socio-political system and their advocacy of individual achievement, a free market, and a drastic reduction of the role of the state. And they are right-wing; first, in their rejection of individual and social equality and or political projects that seek to achieve it; second, in their opposition to the social integration of marginalized groups; third, in their appeal to xenophobia.
      Why is the right-wing successful in some established democratic countries and not in others? Most studies of right-wing parties in Western Europe agree that these parties have levels of immigrants and increases in unemployment throughout Europe. The variation in electoral support for right-wing parties in France and Austria is the focus of my dissertation.
      My analysis indicates that economic crises (unemployment, immigrants in a country) and resentments, political alienations are related to the vote for the right-wing. And they are a reflection and expression of new political conflicts created by the transition to post-industrial capitalism.
      At its root, populism, as a set of ideas, has a fundamental ambivalence about politics, especially representative politics. Politics is messy and corrupting, and involvement comes only under extreme circumstances. In this sense, populism seeks to avoid habitual their reluctance, populists engage in politics when they perceive crises.
      While populism is a negative reaction to representative politics, it does have a more positive side. Populism tends to identify itself with an idealized version of its chosen people, and to locate them in a similarly idealized landscape.
      So my conclusion will be that instead of being a symptom of 'backwardness' that might be outgrown, populism is a shadow cast by democracy itself.
      번역하기

      The literature on populism has long been plagued by difficulties in defining exactly what the term means. Although frequently used by authors, historians, the term is exceptionally vague and refers in different contexts to a variety of phenomena. Pop...

      The literature on populism has long been plagued by difficulties in defining exactly what the term means. Although frequently used by authors, historians, the term is exceptionally vague and refers in different contexts to a variety of phenomena.
      Populism, understood as an appeal to 'the people' against both the established structure of power and the dominant ideas and values. So populism has been a tool of progressive, of reactionaries, of democrats, of the left and the right.
      During the past several years, right-wing populist parties have made impressive electoral gains in a growing number of West European countries. Their dramatic surge to political prominence has obscured the fact that these parties hardly form a homogeneous party group.
      The French experience of right-wing populism is embodied in the success of the Front National(FNF), which has become a symbol for the far right in Europe generally. And another prominent figure of this is Jorg Haider in Austria. They are radical in their rejection of the established socio-cultural and socio-political system and their advocacy of individual achievement, a free market, and a drastic reduction of the role of the state. And they are right-wing; first, in their rejection of individual and social equality and or political projects that seek to achieve it; second, in their opposition to the social integration of marginalized groups; third, in their appeal to xenophobia.
      Why is the right-wing successful in some established democratic countries and not in others? Most studies of right-wing parties in Western Europe agree that these parties have levels of immigrants and increases in unemployment throughout Europe. The variation in electoral support for right-wing parties in France and Austria is the focus of my dissertation.
      My analysis indicates that economic crises (unemployment, immigrants in a country) and resentments, political alienations are related to the vote for the right-wing. And they are a reflection and expression of new political conflicts created by the transition to post-industrial capitalism.
      At its root, populism, as a set of ideas, has a fundamental ambivalence about politics, especially representative politics. Politics is messy and corrupting, and involvement comes only under extreme circumstances. In this sense, populism seeks to avoid habitual their reluctance, populists engage in politics when they perceive crises.
      While populism is a negative reaction to representative politics, it does have a more positive side. Populism tends to identify itself with an idealized version of its chosen people, and to locate them in a similarly idealized landscape.
      So my conclusion will be that instead of being a symptom of 'backwardness' that might be outgrown, populism is a shadow cast by democracy itself.

      더보기

      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • 목차 = Ⅰ
      • 제1장 서론 = 1
      • 제1절 문제제기 = 1
      • 제2절 기존 연구의 검토 ; 포퓰리즘 연구 = 4
      • 제3절 연구 방법 및 구성 = 8
      • 목차 = Ⅰ
      • 제1장 서론 = 1
      • 제1절 문제제기 = 1
      • 제2절 기존 연구의 검토 ; 포퓰리즘 연구 = 4
      • 제3절 연구 방법 및 구성 = 8
      • 제2장 포퓰리즘의 개념 정의 = 12
      • 제1절 포퓰리즘이란 무엇인가 = 12
      • 제2절 포퓰리즘과 파시즘 = 22
      • 제3절 유럽에서의 포퓰리즘 = 26
      • 제3장 유럽에서 포퓰리즘의 등장배경 = 31
      • 제1절 후기산업사회로의 이행과 사회의 분열 = 32
      • 제2절 복지국가와 이주문제, 그리고 실업 = 36
      • 제3절 정치적 소외와 기존 정당에 대한 불신 = 46
      • 제4장 유럽에서의 우파 포퓰리즘 정당의 성장 = 50
      • 제1절 프랑스의 국민전선(FNF) = 55
      • 제2절 오스트리아의 자유당(FPO) = 62
      • 제5장 결론 ; 요약 및 포퓰리즘 연구의 필요성 = 70
      • 〈참고문헌〉 = 73
      • 〈ABSTRACT〉 = 81
      더보기

      분석정보

      View

      상세정보조회

      0

      Usage

      원문다운로드

      0

      대출신청

      0

      복사신청

      0

      EDDS신청

      0

      동일 주제 내 활용도 TOP

      더보기

      주제

      연도별 연구동향

      연도별 활용동향

      연관논문

      연구자 네트워크맵

      공동연구자 (7)

      유사연구자 (20) 활용도상위20명

      이 자료와 함께 이용한 RISS 자료

      나만을 위한 추천자료

      해외이동버튼