韓國 民主主義로의 移行과 鞏固化, 1979-1994 : 國家-政治社會-市民社會의 關係 및 內部動學을 中心으로 = DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AND CONSOLIDATION IN KORA : WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE RELATIONSHIPS AND INTERNAL DYNAMICS OF THE STATE-POLITICAL SOCIETY-CIVIL SOCIETY

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This dissertation is an attempt to shed light on the democratic transition and consolidation in Korea by analyzing the relationships among state, political society, and civil society and their internal dynamics. With focus upon the activation of a popular civil society and the internal dynamics of a civil society, this study puts an emphasis on in what way the triangular relationships among state, a political society and a civil society has been changing dynamically.
In particular, unlike the existing literature on the Korean democratization, this study does not consider a Korean democratization as an incidental event, but as a historical development, thus assuming the state, a political society and a civil society respectively as `a sphere,' not as `an actor.' The time period of this study is from the demise of military authoritarianism in the wake of the sudden death of President Park in Oct. 26, 1979 through ensued democratization movement and the response of the state during the 5th Republic to reformative politics of the Kim Young-Sam civilian regime until 1994. This study employs a historical structural approach as a research method be-cause this approach, which eclectially combined a structural determination perspective with a genetic perspective, enables a researcher to appreciate the importance of the interactions between the structural conditions of a society and the choice of political actors simultaneously.
This dissertation is composed of a theoretical analysis part and a historical inquiry part. The analytical framework for the democratic transition and consolidation of Korea is the one reconstructed by reviewing the previous studies and discussion on democracy, civil society, and state-civil society relation, and provides a new theoretical background(Chapter Ⅰ). And a historical analysis of this dissertation is applied to the democratization process in Korea from 1979 to 1994 upon the basis of the framework provided by a theoretical analysis (Chapter Ⅱ·Ⅲ·Ⅳ). In the light of liberalization(abertura)→democratization →consolidation) phase, the rule of Chun Doo-Hwan regime (1979~1986) is the period of transferring from a coercive domination to an early liberalization and setting up the background for democractization. The ruling period of Roh Tae-Woo regime(1987~1992) is a transitional phase proceeding from the liberalization to the democratization, and Korean democratization(or consolidation) phase has finally come since the civilian government of Kim Young-Sam has taken power in 1992.
The summary of the results of this analysis is presented in terms of respective spheres of state-political society-civil society and their dynamics as follows:
First, democratization in Korea was initiated by the resistant power of a popular civil society. The popular civil society is consisted of Jaeya, student movement, labor movement, and new middle class including white-collar workers as its core force. It was once weakened by the pressure, oppression and suppression of the state(that is, military government). However, the (political) abertura begun with the campus autonomization policy in late 1983 led to the resurrection of popular civil society. That is, the abertura was erupted into enormous autonomous organizations of students, workers, intellectuals, and church activists due to the extension of political space. In particular, their roles and activities culminated in the period of the "June Democratization Struggle." Notwithstanding the expansion and activation of these autonomous organizations, the popular civil society was completely excluded in the process of the constitutional revision and the presidential election in late 1987, thus depressing the popular civil society. Likewise, these conditions appeared in the process of reform drive pursued under the civilian government. Of course, as the internal structural differentiation of civil society get realized, civil movement sphere leading social movement expanded their roles and unfolded moderate-unpopular-reform movements.
Secondly, the political society of Korea was a subordinate of state and government until the first half of 1980s. Its roles stopped short of the status of the true legislature. However, as the strong opposition NKDP(New Korea Democratic Party) jointed with a popular civil society through the 12th National Assembly election in 1985 entered into the status of a genuine political society, the opposition NKDP was able to compete with the state for the constitution revision. Especially, after Yoso Yadae(the poltical configuration distinctive of majority opposition party and minority ruling party) came to form in the 13th National Assembly, democratization of Korea was facilitated. But after the production of security (political) situation("Kongan Jungguk") in 1989 and the Three-Party Merger in 1990, political party(expressly, opposition party) was daunted and the initiative of political situations transferred to the government and ruling party. Then, political society, not to speak of the ruling party and opposition party, did not perform their roles and was threatened their status in the state-led reform politics under the civilian government.
Finally, after the demise of Yushin regime, state(or military forces) of Korea overrode the wishes of the people(that is, democratization) and repressed popular civil society by the physical coercive force or measures. And authoritarian military forces restricted the activities of the old politicians. Henceforth, military regime was consolidated. Basically, the over-developed state wished to maintain continuously the vested rights, and control and repress political society and civil society in the democratization process. However, after the situation of abertura, state was faced with the serious political crisis because of the resurrection of popular civil society, the emergence of the strong resistant opposition party in 1985, June democratization struggle in 1987, and the political situation Yoso Yadae in 1988. Thus, the recognition and reception of the ruling bloc was only carrying out the dominating strategies to keep away the overall withdrawal of military government. The representative examples of these strategies are June 29th Declaration, Three-Party Merger, etc.
Compared with the past, state-led reform politics after the installation of the civilian government in 1993 was a great transformation and marked the development of democracy, that is, the entry into democratic consolidation. But reform politics were pursued within the limit of maintaining the interests of the vested interests or a political class. That is, Kim's reform politics turned out to complement and reinforce the formal and legal aspects of democracy on the procedural-minimum level and did not accept the demands of substantial socio-economic democratization of popular civil society in a positive manner. In the end, the acceptance of the demands of political society and civil society is still hampered by the legal and institutional arrangements of the state.
In conclusion, when we see democratization as a spectrum of liberalization→democratization(→consolidation), democratization of Korea can't affirm to that phase. Korea is still in its evolutionary process of achieving democracy. Now, democratic consolidation in Korea is more likely through the overall activation of civil society, the solidarity between a popular civil society and civil movement sphere, the emergence of the strong party within a political society based on a civil society, and the leadership of state on political society and civil society or the political society and civil society's control of state. The democratic consolidation in Korea also depends on whether the embryonic democracy could be extended to allow the representatives of the maximalist Left to enter into an institutionalized political arena.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 목차 = ⅰ
• 序論 = 1
• 1. 問題의 提起와 硏究의 目的 = 1
• 2. 民主化에 대한 기존의 硏究趨勢 및 接近方法 = 6
• 3. 硏究範圍 및 論文의 構成 = 23
• 第Ⅰ章 分析을 위한 理論的 構想 = 33
• 第1節 民主主義 및 民主化에 관한 논의 = 33
• 1. 民主主義의 정의와 그에 대한 이론 = 34
• 2. 自由化 및 民主化의 정의 = 38
• 第2節 市民社會와 民主主義의 관계 = 41
• 1. 市民社會와 國家의 관계 = 42
• 2. 市民社會와 民主主義의 관계 = 59
• 第3節 民主主義로의 移行과 鞏固化 = 62
• 第4飾 國家-政治社會-市民社會 관계 = 67
• 第Ⅱ章 民主主義로의 移行背景 : 民衆的 市民社會 挑戰의 挫折과 膨脹, 1979~1986 = 75
• 第1節 新軍部政權의 등장배경과 그 과정 = 77
• 1. 12ㆍ12 쿠데타와 그 이후 지배블록의 재편 = 78
• 2. 民衆的 市民社會의 억압과 政治社會의 無力化 = 86
• 第2節 自由化 局面과 民衆的 市民社會의 挑戰 = 94
• 1. 新軍部政權의 正當性 문제 및 自由化措置 = 94
• 2. 民衆的 市民社會 挑戰의 膨脹과 急進化 = 100
• 3. 民衆的 市民社會勢力에 기반을 둔 政治社會의 分化 = 108
• 第Ⅲ章 民主主義로의 移行政治 : 民衆的 市民社會의 活性化 및 政治社會로의 役割移動, 1987~1992 = 113
• 第1節 民衆的 市民社會의 活性化와 균열 : 노태우 政權의 등장과정 = 114
• 1. 膠着局面 : 國家一政治社會一市民社會의 긴장관계 = 115
• 2. 民衆的 市民社會의 活性化 : 6월민주화항쟁과 6ㆍ29宣言 = 118
• 3. 民衆的 市民社會의 균열 : 노동자대투쟁과 중간계급의 보수화 = 132
• 4. 民衆的 市民社會 균열이후 政治社會로의 中心役割 移動 = 139
• 第2節 市民社會의 內部構造的 分化와 노 政權의 强碩統治로의 전환 = 141
• 1. 노 政權期 政治社會 構圖의 변화와 民主化의 한계 = 143
• 2. 市民社會의 內部構造的 分化 = 147
• 3. 市民社會 分化의 대응전략으로서의 公安政局 = 152
• 4. 3黨統合 : 政治社會의 퇴조와 市民社會의 地域的 균열 = 155
• 第Ⅳ章 民主主義의 鞏固化 : 國家주도의 改革政治와 政治社會ㆍ市民社會의 역할, 1992~1994 = 163
• 第1節 김영삼 政權의 성격과 정치적 의미 = 164
• 1. 1992년 大選의 정치적 의미 = 164
• 2. 김 政權의 성격과 정치사적 의의 = 169
• 第2節 國家主導的 改革政治와 그 한계 = 172
• 1. 民主的 改革 : 民主主義的 鞏固化로의 진입 = 173
• 2. 改革政治와 그 한계 = 176
• 3. 政治社會의 改革政治로부터의 배제 = 192
• 第3節 改革政治와 市民社會 = 195
• 1. 保守的 市民社會의 역할증대와 反改革的 運動의 전개 = 196
• 2. 市民運動領域의 확장과 反保守ㆍ反急進的 穩健 改革運動의 전개 = 200
• 第Ⅴ章 結論 = 213
• SUMMARY = 223
• 參考文獻 = 229