한국인의 통일의식에 관한 연구 : 세대별 의식 차이의 실증분석 = A Study on the Unification Consciousness of Korean: Focusing on the Difference by Generation

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

A Study on the Unification Consciousness of Korean : Focusing on the Difference by Generation Lee, Kyeong bong Adviser : Prof. Lee Min chang, Ph.D. Department of Public Administration, Graduate School of Chosun University The purpose of this study is to verify and present implications for the causal relationship between major variables such as Koreans' unification consciousness by generation, perception of North Korea, support for North Korea policy, and judgment of the benefits and losses of unification through quantified measurement tools. The research hypothesis to achieve the purpose of this study consisted of four stages as follows. First, generations and influencing factors will have a significant influence on the unification consciousness. Second, the degree of support for North Korea policy will play a mediating role in the relationship between the perception of North Korea and the unification consciousness. Fourth, the generation will control the perception of North Korea, the degree of support for North Korea policy, and the relationship between generations and the unification consciousness. In order to test the hypothesis of this study, the dependent variable unification consciousness was divided into 'justification' and 'necessity', and the independent variable was set as 'security threat' recognition and 'national homogeneity' recognition. The factors of North Korea policy were divided into 'security policy' support and 'cooperation policy' support, and the judgment of the gains and losses of unification was set as parameters by dividing them into 'expecting benefits' and 'willingness to pay'. The generation of Koreans was compared by dividing them into 'democratization generation', 'post-Cold War generation', and 'new Cold War generation' based on the historical experiences of adolescence. The questionnaire for measurement was structured to satisfy the operational definition of each variable in consideration of previous studies. The survey was analyzed 365 out of 396 questionnaires received using the Internet survey, excluding those with missing values. For data analysis, statistical analysis was performed according to the stage of the study with SPSS 29.0. To verify the research hypothesis, ① comparative analysis of unification consciousness by generation was performed by one-way variance analysis, ② the relationship between the influences of unification consciousness by factor was regression analysis, ③ the mediating effect of North Korea policy support was analyzed by applying Hayes' PROCESS macro Model 4 （mediating effect model）, and ④ the moderating effect of unification gain and loss judgment was analyzed by applying Hayes' PROCESS macro Model 1. The significance level of all statistics was judged at the 0.05 level. As a result of the study, the verification is as follows. First, as a result of one-way distribution analysis and post-mortem examination of the unification consciousness and the differences between generations on each factor, five variables were found to be statistically significant between generations: 'national homogeneity', 'willingness to pay', 'cooperation policy', 'justification', and 'necessity'. The perception of the new Cold War generation is low in five variables: 'national homogeneity', 'willingness to pay', 'cooperation policy', 'justification', and 'necessity' between the democratic and post-Cold War generations. There is no statistically significant difference between the post-Cold War generations in seven variables: 'security threat', 'national homogeneity', 'cost payment', 'security policy', 'cooperation policy', and 'necessity'. It should be noted that the unification consciousness of the new Cold War generation is negative, and the perception of national homogeneity is low. The new Cold War generation did not recognize a sense of homogeneity toward North Korea as they experienced situations such as rising threats such as North Korea's nuclear tests and missile development in their adolescence. It can also be analyzed that North Korea's behavior, such as the destruction of various cooperative projects, shows a negative attitude toward cooperation policies and a negative unification consciousness. Second, as a result of a regression analysis of the influence of factors on the unification consciousness, significant influence relationships were identified in six of the eight types of influence relationships. It was verified that the influence relationship between the recognition factor of 'security threat' on the 'justification' of unification and the support factor for 'policy toward North Korea' on the 'necessity' of unification was not significant. It is important to note that it is assumed that the higher the level of awareness of security threats against North Korea, the lower the unification consciousness, but the hypothesis test shows that there is no such tendency, and the 'security threat' has a positive （+） effect on the 'necessity' of unification. If the 'security threat' awareness is high, the unification consciousness is also high. This suggests that the perception of security threats is not a factor that lowers the unification consciousness, but can act as a factor that strengthens the necessity for unification to resolve the threat of war. Third, as a result of mediating effect analysis, it was confirmed that four of the eight mediating effect types had mediating effects. Support for 'security policy' shows negative mediating effects in the path of the consciousness of 'security threat' and 'justification' of unification, 'national homogeneity' and 'necessity' of unification. Cooperation policy' has a positive mediating effect in the relationship between 'national homogeneity' and 'necessity' and 'justification' of unification. Fourth, as a result of the moderating effect analysis, it was confirmed that two out of 24 types of relationships between North Korea perception, North Korea policy, and generational unification consciousness have a moderating effect on the judgment of unification gains and losses. Unification benefit expectations have a moderating effect of mitigating the impact of North Korea policy on the necessity of unification. The intention to pay 'cost' has a moderating effect that reinforces the positive impact on the necessity of unification in the democratized generation. The verification of the moderating effect of the judgment of unification gains and losses is of great significance in that it exploratory verification of the interaction between influencing factor variables. Since unification is a national aspiration and a national matter, it is necessary to reflect the will of the people and promote it in a direction that encompasses generations. The results of the analysis of the mediating effects of understanding the differences in unification consciousness between generations, supporting North Korea policy, and determining the gains and losses of unification on the formation of unification consciousness presented in this study are expected to provide a driving force in the promotion of North Korea policy for unification. First, it is necessary to expand opportunities for unification-related experiences to future generations. Only by securing the support of the new Cold War generation, which has to bear the costs of unification of the Republic of Korea in the future, can the unification policy be motivated. Public relations and education are required for young people and future generations to increase their awareness of national homogeneity, the level of intention to pay for unification costs, and support for cooperative policies, as well as to expand opportunities for experience and promote discussion on unification. Second, stable promotion of sustainable cooperation policies is required. Factors such as support for cooperation policies have a mediating effect on the relationship between national homogeneity and the justification and necessity of unification. Cooperation policy is a process in which the government builds trust and cooperation through cooperative activities that promote unification, and is a process to restore a sense of national homogeneity. Therefore, when promoting a cooperation policy, which is an essential process for unification, measures to ensure trust and sustainability and measures to ensure transparency in the operation of resources to be supported are required. Third, a balance between security and cooperation must be maintained in light of the policy situation. Although South Koreans' perception of security threats against North Korea is not directly related to the sense of justification for unification, the security policy support factors mediate and affect the sense of necessity. Security policy is highly supported by all generations because it is like a whip to respond to and cooperate with North Korean threats and is a fundamental and essential tool related to the survival of the people. On the other hand, efforts for dialogue and cooperation are required to improve the policy environment for promoting unification. Therefore, it is necessary to adjust cooperative policies rather than sanctions and confrontational policies even in the face of the security situation of the new Cold War, which is at odds with the North Korean nuclear threat. Fourth, unification is necessary at the base of the people's unification consciousness, but we are wary of setting a deadline and rushing it, or of the government raising its priorities over other policies and not rushing it. This can be understood to mean that we do not want unification that changes our current lives rapidly. In conclusion, long-term unification education and public relations should be established, and a consensus should be formed to promote unification in order to improve public awareness of unification, prevent conflicts, and persuade generations. In terms of policy, in order to spread public consensus in promoting unification policy, it is necessary to understand the differences between generations, find contact points, and find the direction of unification policy that generations can sympathize with and agree on.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 제1장 서 론 1
• 제1절 연구 배경 및 목적 1
• 1. 연구 배경 1
• 2. 연구 목적 4
• 제2절 연구 범위 및 방법 5
• 1. 연구 범위 5
• 2. 연구 방법 6
• 제2장 이론적 배경 및 선행 연구의 검토 7
• 제1절 세대 개념과 한국의 세대 구분 7
• 1. 세대 개념 7
• 2. 한국의 세대 구분 9
• 제2절 통일과 통일의식 14
• 1. 통일의 개념 14
• 2. 통일의식 15
• 3. 통일의식 영향 요인에 관한 선행 연구 18
• 제3절 한국인의 북한에 대한 인식 23
• 1. 북한에 대한 인식의 이중성 23
• 2. 북한에 대한 안보위협 인식 23
• 3. 북한 주민에 대한 민족동질감 인식 25
• 제4절 한국인의 대북정책 지지 유형 27
• 1. 대북정책의 양면성과 변천 과정 27
• 2. 안보 지향적 대북정책 지지 35
• 3. 협력 지향적 대북정책 지지 36
• 제5절 통일의 득실 판단 37
• 1. 통일편익 및 통일비용 37
• 2. 통일 편익에 대한 기대 38
• 3. 통일비용 지불 의사 39
• 제6절 요인 간의 관계 40
• 1. 세대별 공유 경험과 통일 관련 인식 40
• 2. 대북인식과 통일의식 42
• 3. 대북정책 지지의 매개효과 43
• 4. 통일의 득실 판단의 조절효과 45
• 제3장 연구 설계 47
• 제1절 연구모형 및 연구가설 47
• 1. 연구모형 47
• 2. 연구가설 50
• 제2절 변수의 정의 및 측정 57
• 1. 변수의 조작적 정의 57
• 2. 변수의 측정 64
• 제3절 표본 설계 및 분석 방법 67
• 1. 표본 설계 67
• 2. 분석 방법 68
• 제4장 연구 결과 분석 71
• 제1절 조사 대상의 일반 특성 71
• 1. 인구 통계적 특성 71
• 2. 기술 통계량 분석 73
• 3. 측정 도구의 검증 79
• 제2절 영향 요인과 통일의식의 세대별 차이 비교 94
• 1. 요인별 평균 비교 94
• 2. 요인의 세대별 차이 비교 99
• 3. 세대별 차이 비교 결과 논의 106
• 제3절 영향 요인과 통일의식의 영향 관계 검증 109
• 1. 세대와 통일의식의 영향 관계 검증 109
• 2. 요인별 통일의식에 대한 영향 관계 검증 115
• 3. 통일의식에 대한 영향 관계 검증 결과 논의 121
• 제4절 대북정책의 매개효과 검증 123
• 1. 안보위협과 통일의식 관계의 매개효과 검증 123
• 2. 민족동질과 통일의식 관계의 매개효과 검증 133
• 3. 매개효과 검증 결과에 대한 논의 141
• 제5절 통일득실의 조절효과 검증 145
• 1. 대북인식과 통일의식에 대한 조절효과 검증 145
• 2. 대북정책 지지와 통일의식에 대한 조절효과 검증 153
• 3. 세대와 통일의식에 대한 조절 효과 검증 162
• 4. 조절효과 검증 결과에 대한 논의 169
• 제6절 연구 결과에 대한 논의 172
• 1. 세대별 통일의식 172
• 2. 대북인식 및 대북정책 지지와 통일의식 174
• 3. 대북정책 지지도의 매개효과 176
• 4. 통일득실 판단의 조절효과 178
• 5. 연구결과의 종합적 검토 179
• 제5장 결론 및 제언 181
• 제1절 연구결과 요약 181
• 제2절 연구결과 함의 185
• 1. 이론적 함의 186
• 2. 정책적 함의 188
• 제3절 연구의 한계점 및 후속 연구 제언 193
• 참고문헌 195
• 부 록 200