This study aimed to reveal the meritocracy structure surrounding positional goods by re-exploring the meritocracy embedded in Korean university students' discourse on fairness. Going beyond Young’s meritocratic formula of “merit (intelligence + ef...
This study aimed to reveal the meritocracy structure surrounding positional goods by re-exploring the meritocracy embedded in Korean university students' discourse on fairness. Going beyond Young’s meritocratic formula of “merit (intelligence + effort) = desert”, a qualitative case study was conducted to examine how merit, effort, and examinations (grades) operate as grounds for justifying differential rewards in Korean meritocracy. By exploring the perceptions of main campus students at Korea University toward branch campus, this study examined how elite university degrees function as positional goods and the logic main campus students employ to justify their desert. Furthermore, this study revealed the dual structure of meritocratic ideology surrounding merit and effort, and examined the process through which ‘expanded meritocracy’ symbiotically coexists with the competitive structure of positional goods in education and reproduces itself as ‘meritocratic education’. The results and discussion of this study are summarized as follows.
First, in the meritocratic structure surrounding educational positional goods, merit functioned as ‘institutional desert’ while effort operated as ‘moral desert’. Merit, which had been emphasized singularly in Young’s meritocracy, formed institutional desert as something required by institutions, and proof of such institutional desert was represented by examination scores. Simultaneously, effort toward examination scores—that is, proof of institutional qualification—functioned as moral desert. Desert could be fully recognized only when individuals both met the academic merit ‘required’ by the university institution and possessed the effort which those competing for limited rewards are ‘demanding’; in this dual structure, merit and effort held equivalent positions. This functioned as a legitimate desert for acquiring educational positional goods, driving discourse on fairness; notably, effort as the moral desert made its legitimacy difficult to deny, thereby strongly reinforcing meritocratic ideology.
Second, meritocratic ideology in education was not merely individuals’ false beliefs but was maintained and reinforced within the competitive structure of positional goods in the education market. The competitive structure of positional goods in education and the meritocratic ideology held by individuals were mutually dependent and symbiotic. Within this symbiotic relationship, meritocratic ideology ultimately transformed into ‘meritocratic education’. Research participants passively accepted meritocracy within an inescapable reality while simultaneously acting to actively maintain that order.
Korean university students had no choice but to enter the competition to survive within the educational structure where positional goods competition and meritocratic ideology operate. They felt skeptical about the fierce educational competition and believed this structure should be dismantled. However, once they won the competition, destroying it would be nothing short of 'self-defeating.' Therefore, they actively strived to maintain the order of that competition in order to survive once again.