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    한국어 관형절 구성의 역사적 연구 = A Diachronic Study on Korean Adnominal Clause Constructions

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T17451970

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    국문 초록 (Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    본 연구는 고대 한국어부터 후기 중세 한국어에 이르는 시기를 대상으로 한국어 관형절 구성의 통사적ㆍ의미적 특성을 기술하고, 그 선대(先代) 구성의 발달 양상을 고찰하였다. 본고의 구체적인 연구 목표는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 한국어 관형절 구성을 효과적으로 체계화할 수 있는 새로운 분류 체계를 수립하며, 둘째, 한국어학계의 오랜 난제인 선어말 어미 ‘-오-’의 용법을 명사화(nominalization)의 관점에서 기술하고, 셋째, 관형형 어미 ‘-은’과 ‘-’의 범주를 각각 ‘현실 서법(realis mood)’과 ‘비현실 서법(irrealis mood)’으로 설정하여, 고대 및 전기 중세 한국어에서 나타나는 이들의 다기(多岐)한 용법을 포괄적으로 설명하는 것이다.
    우선 본고는 한국어 관형절을 관형형 어미 ‘-은’과 ‘-을’이라는 단일한 통사적 수단에 의해 실현되는 ‘단일한 명사 수식절 구성’으로 규정하였다. 기존의 이분법적 분류인 관계절과 명사 보어절 구성만으로는 한국어의 특성을 온전히 포착할 수 없음을 지적하고, ‘핵어 명사와 관형절 중 무엇이 구성의 해석을 주도하는가’를 기준으로 관형절 주도형, 핵어명사 주도형, 절ㆍ명사 공동 주도형으로 분류하는 새로운 체계를 제안하였다. 이를 통해 관형절 구성 간의 공통점과 차이점을 보다 세밀하게 기술하고자 하였다.
    다음으로 선어말 어미 ‘-오-’의 기능을 명사화의 관점에서 고찰하였다. ‘-은’과 ‘-’이 명사형 어미로 기능했던 고대 및 전기 중세 한국어의 언어적 사실을 바탕으로 명사화의유형을 참여자 명사화ㆍ사태 명사화ㆍ명제 명사화로 세분하였다. 선어말 어미 ‘-오-’는 참여자 명사화에서 [비주어] 명사형을 표시하는 기능을 수행하고, 사태 명사화와 명제 명사화에서 ‘-오-’가 결합한 구성은 명제로 해석될 가능성이 높다는 점을 확인하였다. 관형형 어미 ‘-은’과 ‘-’에 대해서는 각각 [현실 서법]과 [비현실 서법] 형식으로 정의하였다. 특히 ‘-’과 형용사, 계사의 통합 제약 현상을 ‘-’이 [비현실 서법] 형식이라는 점으로 설명하였다. 아울러 고대 및 전기 중세 한국어에서 ‘-’은 [비과거]와 [총칭성]을, ‘-은’은 [과거]를 전형적으로 지시했음을 밝히는 한편, ‘-’의 [상대시제 비과거] 용법에 대해서도 기술하였다.
    이어 내핵 관계절 구성과 정형 관형절 구성에 대해 논의하였다. 현대 한국어에서 내핵관계절 구성이 인정되어야 함을 주장하였으며, 중세 한국어의 이른바 ‘특이 관형 구성’ 역시 언어유형론적 시각에서 내핵 관계절 구성으로 해석될 수 있음을 논의하였다. 또, 한국어와 일본어에서 내핵 관계절 구성이 공통적으로 관찰되는 원인을 두 언어가 공유하는 ‘목적어-서술어(OV)’ 및 ‘관형절-핵어 명사(Rel+N)’ 어순의 특징에서 찾았다. 마지막으로 현대 한국어의 정형 관형절 구성인 ‘-다는 NP’ 구성의 통시적 변화를 추적하였다. 본고는 해당 구성의 형성에 ‘-닷 NP’뿐만 아니라 ‘-다 혼/논 NP’ 구성이 공히 관여하였다는 것을 논의하였다. 그리고 문헌상에서 ‘-다는 NP’의 등장히 급작스럽게 보이는 것은 자료적 제약에 기인한 것임을 논의하였다.
    번역하기

    본 연구는 고대 한국어부터 후기 중세 한국어에 이르는 시기를 대상으로 한국어 관형절 구성의 통사적ㆍ의미적 특성을 기술하고, 그 선대(先代) 구성의 발달 양상을 고찰하였다. 본고의 구...

    본 연구는 고대 한국어부터 후기 중세 한국어에 이르는 시기를 대상으로 한국어 관형절 구성의 통사적ㆍ의미적 특성을 기술하고, 그 선대(先代) 구성의 발달 양상을 고찰하였다. 본고의 구체적인 연구 목표는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 한국어 관형절 구성을 효과적으로 체계화할 수 있는 새로운 분류 체계를 수립하며, 둘째, 한국어학계의 오랜 난제인 선어말 어미 ‘-오-’의 용법을 명사화(nominalization)의 관점에서 기술하고, 셋째, 관형형 어미 ‘-은’과 ‘-’의 범주를 각각 ‘현실 서법(realis mood)’과 ‘비현실 서법(irrealis mood)’으로 설정하여, 고대 및 전기 중세 한국어에서 나타나는 이들의 다기(多岐)한 용법을 포괄적으로 설명하는 것이다.
    우선 본고는 한국어 관형절을 관형형 어미 ‘-은’과 ‘-을’이라는 단일한 통사적 수단에 의해 실현되는 ‘단일한 명사 수식절 구성’으로 규정하였다. 기존의 이분법적 분류인 관계절과 명사 보어절 구성만으로는 한국어의 특성을 온전히 포착할 수 없음을 지적하고, ‘핵어 명사와 관형절 중 무엇이 구성의 해석을 주도하는가’를 기준으로 관형절 주도형, 핵어명사 주도형, 절ㆍ명사 공동 주도형으로 분류하는 새로운 체계를 제안하였다. 이를 통해 관형절 구성 간의 공통점과 차이점을 보다 세밀하게 기술하고자 하였다.
    다음으로 선어말 어미 ‘-오-’의 기능을 명사화의 관점에서 고찰하였다. ‘-은’과 ‘-’이 명사형 어미로 기능했던 고대 및 전기 중세 한국어의 언어적 사실을 바탕으로 명사화의유형을 참여자 명사화ㆍ사태 명사화ㆍ명제 명사화로 세분하였다. 선어말 어미 ‘-오-’는 참여자 명사화에서 [비주어] 명사형을 표시하는 기능을 수행하고, 사태 명사화와 명제 명사화에서 ‘-오-’가 결합한 구성은 명제로 해석될 가능성이 높다는 점을 확인하였다. 관형형 어미 ‘-은’과 ‘-’에 대해서는 각각 [현실 서법]과 [비현실 서법] 형식으로 정의하였다. 특히 ‘-’과 형용사, 계사의 통합 제약 현상을 ‘-’이 [비현실 서법] 형식이라는 점으로 설명하였다. 아울러 고대 및 전기 중세 한국어에서 ‘-’은 [비과거]와 [총칭성]을, ‘-은’은 [과거]를 전형적으로 지시했음을 밝히는 한편, ‘-’의 [상대시제 비과거] 용법에 대해서도 기술하였다.
    이어 내핵 관계절 구성과 정형 관형절 구성에 대해 논의하였다. 현대 한국어에서 내핵관계절 구성이 인정되어야 함을 주장하였으며, 중세 한국어의 이른바 ‘특이 관형 구성’ 역시 언어유형론적 시각에서 내핵 관계절 구성으로 해석될 수 있음을 논의하였다. 또, 한국어와 일본어에서 내핵 관계절 구성이 공통적으로 관찰되는 원인을 두 언어가 공유하는 ‘목적어-서술어(OV)’ 및 ‘관형절-핵어 명사(Rel+N)’ 어순의 특징에서 찾았다. 마지막으로 현대 한국어의 정형 관형절 구성인 ‘-다는 NP’ 구성의 통시적 변화를 추적하였다. 본고는 해당 구성의 형성에 ‘-닷 NP’뿐만 아니라 ‘-다 혼/논 NP’ 구성이 공히 관여하였다는 것을 논의하였다. 그리고 문헌상에서 ‘-다는 NP’의 등장히 급작스럽게 보이는 것은 자료적 제약에 기인한 것임을 논의하였다.

    더보기

    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    A Diachronic Study on Korean Adnominal Clause Constructions
    Department of Korean Language and Literature
    Seoul National University

    This study describes the syntactic and semantic characteristics of Korean adnominal clause constructions from Old Korean to Late Middle Korean and examines the developmental patterns of their ancestral forms. The specific research objectives are as follows: first, to establish a new classification system to effectively systematize Korean adnominal clause constructions; second, to describe the usage of the pre-final ending ‘-o-’, a long-standing puzzle in Korean linguistics, from the perspective of nominalization; and third, to categorize the adnominal endings ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’ as “realis mood” and “irrealis mood,” respectively, to comprehensively explain their diverse functions in Old and Early Middle Korean.
    First, this paper defines the Korean adnominal clause as a “unified noun-modifying construction” realized through the single syntactic means of the adnominal endings ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’. Pointing out that the traditional dichotomy of relative clauses and noun complement clauses fails to fully capture the unique characteristics of Korean, this study proposes a new system that classifies constructions into “adnominal-clause-driven,” “head-noun-driven,” and “jointly-driven” types based on which element leads the interpretation. This framework allows for a more detailed description of the commonalities and differences among various adnominal constructions.
    Second, the function of the pre-final ending ‘-o-’ is examined through the lens of nominalization. Based on linguistic evidence from Old and Early Middle Korean, where ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’ functioned as nominalizing endings, types of nominalization are subdivided into participant, event, and proposition nominalization. It is argued that ‘-o-’ functions as a marker for “non-subject” nominals in participant nominalization, while in event and proposition nominalizations, constructions integrated with ‘-o-’ are highly likely to be interpreted as propositions.
    Third, the adnominal endings ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’ are defined as markers of [realis] and [irrealis] mood, respectively. In particular, the constraints on the integration of ‘-ul’ with adjectives and the copula are explained by its inherent [irrealis] nature. Furthermore, this study demonstrates that in Old and Early Middle Korean, ‘-ul’ typically denoted [non-past] and [genericity], while ‘-un’ denoted [past], while also describing the [relative non-past] usage of ‘-ul’.
    The study further discusses internally headed relative clause (IHRC) constructions and finite adnominal constructions. It argues for the recognition of IHRCs in Modern Korean and demonstrates that the so-called "peculiar adnominal constructions" of Middle Korean can be interpreted as IHRCs from a linguistic typological perspective. The common occurrence of IHRCs in Korean and Japanese is attributed to their shared Object-Verb (OV) and Relative Clause-Noun (Rel+N) word orders.
    Finally, the diachronic evolution of the ‘-tanun NP’ construction, a finite adnominal construction in Modern Korean, is traced. This paper posits that both the ‘-tas NP’ and ‘-ta hon/hanon NP’ constructions contributed to its formation. Additionally, it suggests that the seemingly abrupt appearance of the ‘-tanun NP’ construction in historical texts is likely due to the limitations of available philological data rather than a sudden linguistic shift.
    번역하기

    A Diachronic Study on Korean Adnominal Clause Constructions Department of Korean Language and Literature Seoul National University This study describes the syntactic and semantic characteristics of Korean adnominal clause constructions from Old Korea...

    A Diachronic Study on Korean Adnominal Clause Constructions
    Department of Korean Language and Literature
    Seoul National University

    This study describes the syntactic and semantic characteristics of Korean adnominal clause constructions from Old Korean to Late Middle Korean and examines the developmental patterns of their ancestral forms. The specific research objectives are as follows: first, to establish a new classification system to effectively systematize Korean adnominal clause constructions; second, to describe the usage of the pre-final ending ‘-o-’, a long-standing puzzle in Korean linguistics, from the perspective of nominalization; and third, to categorize the adnominal endings ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’ as “realis mood” and “irrealis mood,” respectively, to comprehensively explain their diverse functions in Old and Early Middle Korean.
    First, this paper defines the Korean adnominal clause as a “unified noun-modifying construction” realized through the single syntactic means of the adnominal endings ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’. Pointing out that the traditional dichotomy of relative clauses and noun complement clauses fails to fully capture the unique characteristics of Korean, this study proposes a new system that classifies constructions into “adnominal-clause-driven,” “head-noun-driven,” and “jointly-driven” types based on which element leads the interpretation. This framework allows for a more detailed description of the commonalities and differences among various adnominal constructions.
    Second, the function of the pre-final ending ‘-o-’ is examined through the lens of nominalization. Based on linguistic evidence from Old and Early Middle Korean, where ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’ functioned as nominalizing endings, types of nominalization are subdivided into participant, event, and proposition nominalization. It is argued that ‘-o-’ functions as a marker for “non-subject” nominals in participant nominalization, while in event and proposition nominalizations, constructions integrated with ‘-o-’ are highly likely to be interpreted as propositions.
    Third, the adnominal endings ‘-un’ and ‘-ul’ are defined as markers of [realis] and [irrealis] mood, respectively. In particular, the constraints on the integration of ‘-ul’ with adjectives and the copula are explained by its inherent [irrealis] nature. Furthermore, this study demonstrates that in Old and Early Middle Korean, ‘-ul’ typically denoted [non-past] and [genericity], while ‘-un’ denoted [past], while also describing the [relative non-past] usage of ‘-ul’.
    The study further discusses internally headed relative clause (IHRC) constructions and finite adnominal constructions. It argues for the recognition of IHRCs in Modern Korean and demonstrates that the so-called "peculiar adnominal constructions" of Middle Korean can be interpreted as IHRCs from a linguistic typological perspective. The common occurrence of IHRCs in Korean and Japanese is attributed to their shared Object-Verb (OV) and Relative Clause-Noun (Rel+N) word orders.
    Finally, the diachronic evolution of the ‘-tanun NP’ construction, a finite adnominal construction in Modern Korean, is traced. This paper posits that both the ‘-tas NP’ and ‘-ta hon/hanon NP’ constructions contributed to its formation. Additionally, it suggests that the seemingly abrupt appearance of the ‘-tanun NP’ construction in historical texts is likely due to the limitations of available philological data rather than a sudden linguistic shift.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 1. 서론 ··············································································································· 1
    • 1.1. 연구의 목적 ········································································································ 1
    • 1.2. 연구 대상 ··········································································································· 4
    • 1.3. 연구 방법 ··········································································································· 7
    • 1.3.1. 용례의 계량 ·································································································· 7
    • 1. 서론 ··············································································································· 1
    • 1.1. 연구의 목적 ········································································································ 1
    • 1.2. 연구 대상 ··········································································································· 4
    • 1.3. 연구 방법 ··········································································································· 7
    • 1.3.1. 용례의 계량 ·································································································· 7
    • 1.3.2. 언어유형론 ·································································································· 18
    • 1.4. 연구사 ··············································································································· 21
    • 1.4.1. 관형절 구성에 대한 연구 ········································································· 21
    • 1.4.2. 관형절 어미에 대한 연구 ········································································· 22
    • 1.4.2.1. ‘-은’, ‘-’ ··························································································· 22
    • 1.4.2.2. ‘-오-’ ····································································································· 24
    • 1.5. 논의의 구성 ····································································································· 33
    • 1.6. 인용 문헌 목록 ································································································ 34
    • 1.7. 표기 원칙 ········································································································· 36
    • 2. 기본적 논의 ······························································································· 39
    • 2.1. 관형절 구성 ····································································································· 39
    • 2.1.1. 관형절 구성의 정의 ··················································································· 39
    • 2.1.2. 관형절 구성의 분류 ··················································································· 42
    • 2.1.2.1. 관형절 구성의 전통적인 분류 ···························································· 42
    • 2.1.2.2. 단일한 명사 수식절 ············································································· 48
    • 2.1.2.3. 관형절 구성의 분류 기준 ···································································· 54
    • 2.1.2.4. 관형절 구성의 분류 체계 ···································································· 59
    • 2.2. 명사화 ··············································································································· 84
    • 2.2.1. 명사화의 정의 ···························································································· 84
    • 2.2.1.1. 명사화의 입력물 ··················································································· 85
    • 2.2.1.2. 명사화의 출력물 ··················································································· 89
    • 2.2.1.3. 명사화의 기제: 환유 ············································································ 90
    • 2.2.2. 명사화의 유형 ···························································································· 92
    • 2.2.2.1. 어휘 명사화와 문법 명사화 ································································ 92
    • 2.2.2.2. 참여자 명사화, 사태 명사화, 명제 명사화 ······································· 93
    • 2.2.2.3. 참여자 명사형의 역할 식별 ································································ 95
    • 2.2.2.4. 사태 명사형과 명제 명사형의 해석 식별 ······································· 114
    • 2.2.3. 명사화와 관형화 ······················································································ 116
    • 2.2.3.1. 명사화소에서 관형화소로 ·································································· 116
    • 2.2.3.2. 형식 명사 관형절 구성의 특수성 ···················································· 119
    • 2.2.3.3. 한국어 관형절 구성의 다의성에 대한 해석 ··································· 121
    • 2.3. 현실 서법과 비현실 서법 ············································································ 124
    • 2.3.1. [현실/비현실 서법]의 개념과 연구사 ··················································· 124
    • 2.3.2. 시제 범주인가, 상 범주인가, 서법 범주인가 ······································ 126
    • 2.3.3. ‘-은’, ‘-’의 문법 범주 ········································································ 128
    • 2.3.3.1. [부정] ··································································································· 128
    • 2.3.3.2. 용언 부류에 따른 통합 제약 ···························································· 130
    • 2.3.4. ‘-은’, ‘-’과 시간 지시 ········································································ 131
    • 2.3.5. ‘-은’, ‘-’의 대립 환경과 ⾮대립 환경 ············································· 135
    • 2.3.6. [현실/비현실 서법]의 의미 ···································································· 138
    • 3. ‘-은’, ‘-’ ······························································································ 143
    • 3.1. 도입 ················································································································ 143
    • 3.1.1. 용언 부류에 따른 ‘-은’, ‘-’의 통합 양상 ········································ 143
    • 3.2. 고대 한국어 ··································································································· 145
    • 3.2.1. ⾮대립 환경 ······························································································ 149
    • 3.2.1.1. 명사형 어미 ························································································ 150
    • 3.2.1.2. 관형형 어미 ························································································ 151
    • 3.2.2. 대립 환경 ································································································· 155
    • 3.2.2.1. 명사형 어미 ························································································ 155
    • 3.2.2.2. 관형형 어미 ························································································ 160
    • 3.3. 전기 중세 한국어 ·························································································· 169
    • 3.3.1. ‘-인’과 ‘-’ ···························································································· 169
    • 3.3.1.1. ‘-  -’ 구성 ············································································· 170
    • 3.3.1.2. 특정 지시 대상에 대한 기술 ···························································· 172
    • 3.4. 후기 중세 한국어 ·························································································· 180
    • 3.4.1. 화석화된 명사형 어미 용법 ··································································· 181
    • 3.4.2. 관형절 주도형 구성 ················································································ 183
    • 3.4.3. 핵어 명사 주도형 구성 ··········································································· 186
    • 3.4.4. 절ㆍ명사 공동 주도형 구성 ··································································· 186
    • 4. ‘-오-’ ······································································································· 194
    • 4.1. 도입 ················································································································ 194
    • 4.1.1. ‘-오-’ 연구의 전제 ················································································· 196
    • 4.1.2. 용언 부류에 따른 ‘-오-’의 통합 양상 ················································· 199
    • 4.2. 고대 한국어 ··································································································· 202
    • 4.2.1. 관형절 구성의 ‘-오-’ ·············································································· 203
    • 4.2.1.1. 관형절 주도형 구성 ··········································································· 203
    • 4.2.1.2. 핵어 명사 주도형 구성 ····································································· 211
    • 4.2.1.3. 절ㆍ명사 공동 주도형 구성 ······························································ 213
    • 4.2.2. 명사화 구성의 ‘-오-’ ·············································································· 214
    • 4.2.2.1. 참여자 명사화 ···················································································· 214
    • 4.2.2.2. 사태 명사화 ························································································ 215
    • 4.2.2.3. 명제 명사화 ························································································ 216
    • 4.2.2.4. 형식 명사 관형절 구성 ····································································· 218
    • 4.3. 전기 중세 한국어 ·························································································· 218
    • 4.3.1. 참여자 명사화 ·························································································· 219
    • 4.3.1.1. [주어] 명사형 ····················································································· 219
    • 4.3.1.2. [⾮주어] 명사형 ·················································································· 222
    • 4.3.2. 사태 명사화 ····························································································· 225
    • 4.3.3. 명제 명사화 ····························································································· 230
    • 4.4. 후기 중세 한국어 ·························································································· 235
    • 4.4.1. 관형절 구성의 ‘-오-’ ·············································································· 235
    • 4.4.1.1. 관형절 주도형 구성 ··········································································· 235
    • 4.4.1.2. 핵어 명사 주도형 구성 ····································································· 253
    • 4.4.1.3. 절ㆍ명사 공동 주도형 구성 ······························································ 260
    • 5. 내핵 관계절 구성 ··················································································· 267
    • 5.1. 현대 한국어의 내핵 관계절 구성 ······························································· 268
    • 5.1.1. 내핵 관계절 구성의 식별 ······································································· 270
    • 5.1.2. [결과물] 지시 구성 ·················································································· 272
    • 5.1.3. 전형적인 내핵 관계절 구성과의 차이 ·················································· 276
    • 5.1.4. 내핵 관계절 구성과 동격 구성 ····························································· 281
    • 5.2. 후기 중세 한국어의 내핵 관계절 구성 ······················································ 284
    • 5.2.1. 고전 중국어 서술 구성의 언해 양상 ···················································· 286
    • 5.2.2. 내핵 관계절 구성의 통시론 ··································································· 293
    • 5.3. 동사-목적어, 관계절 구성의 어순과 내핵 관계절 구성의 유형론 ········· 294
    • 5.3.1. OV 어순과 내핵 관계절 구성의 상관성 ·············································· 294
    • 5.3.2. 세계 언어의 내핵 관계절 구성 분포 양상에 대한 해석 ···················· 296
    • 6. ‘-다 혼/논/ NP’ 구성 ···································································· 300
    • 6.1. 15세기 한국어의 ‘-닷 NP’와 ‘-다 혼/논/ NP’ 구성 ····················· 303
    • 6.1.1. ‘-닷 NP’ 구성의 통사적 특징 ···························································· 303
    • 6.1.2. ‘-다 혼/논/ NP’ 구성의 통사적 특징 ·········································· 308
    • 6.1.3. ‘-닷 NP’ 구성과 ‘-다 혼/논 NP’ 구성의 비교 ······························ 317
    • 6.2. 현대 한국어 ‘-다는 NP’ 구성의 형성 ······················································· 318
    • 6.2.1. ‘-닷 NP’와 ‘-다 혼/논 NP’의 선후 관계 ······································· 318
    • 6.2.2. ‘-닷 NP’에서 ‘-단 NP’로의 변화 시기 ··············································· 319
    • 6.2.3. ‘-단 NP’에서 ‘ㄴ’의 정체 ····································································· 322
    • 6.2.4. 현대 한국어 ‘-다는 NP’의 선대 구성 ················································· 325
    • 7. 결론 ·········································································································· 331
    • 7.1. 요약 ·············································································································· 331
    • 7.2. 남은 문제 ····································································································· 334
    • 8. 참고문헌 ··································································································· 335
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