2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the division of the Korean Peninsula, and it is time to rationally review the efforts made for unification. In this context, this study suggests that inter-Korean sports also need to be reexamined as an object of str...
2025 marks the 80th anniversary of the division of the Korean Peninsula, and it is time to rationally review the efforts made for unification. In this context, this study suggests that inter-Korean sports also need to be reexamined as an object of strategic judgment considering the volatility of inter-Korean relations for practical unification, not as in the dimension of emotional expectations or symbolic events for peace as before.
The purpose of this article is to understand in detail the development and characteristics of the North Korean sports discourse during the Kim Jong-un era, thereby providing a perspective that the South Korean government should maintain in promoting inter-Korean sports exchanges in the future.
A total of 4,069 sports articles were used for the analysis in the Rodong Sinmun (2012-2024), and the analysis units were Headline and Full text. For systematic analysis, 1,756 cases in the first period (2012-2015), 1,690 cases in the second period (2016-2020), and 623 cases in the third period (2021-2024) were examined by dividing the period based on the party conference. Quantitative and qualitative analysis were performed in parallel as research methods. For quantitative analysis, time-series analysis based on ① Word Cloud and ② LDA topic modeling was conducted. For qualitative analysis, we focused on interpreting the intrinsic meaning of the derived topics by referring to North Korean primary data as much as possible.
The results of the study are as follows. First, the first period (2012-2015) was right after the inauguration of the Kim Jong-un regime, and the key task was to stabilize the system and secure the legitimacy as a leader of the three generations of hereditary systems. Physical education was used as a political resource to promote Kim Jong-un's leadership through domestic and international economic performances. At the same time, the sports sector reflected people's popular firstism, a core ideology of the Kim Jong-un era, and created the germ of the sports line of his own era, the 'Juche Sports Construction Line' and the 'Sungun Sports Construction Line', while inheriting the sports construction lines of his predecessors as much as possible. In this context, the establishment of a public sports competition, the rise of sports for the disabled, and the expansion of sports facilities at public volunteer bases centered on Pyongyang were expanded. Along with the emergence of science, a key driving force for national development during the Kim Jong-un era, and the phenomenon of focusing on science also appeared clearly in the sports sector. In other words, physical education during this period functioned for the purpose of 'building the legitimacy of successors', 'forming the image of a people's leader', and 'laying the foundation for a socialist civilized country'.
Second, the second period (2016-2020) was a time when North Korea sought to take an economic leap forward with "our country first" starting with the 7th Party Congress in 2016 and the completion of nuclear force at the end of 2017, and used physical education as a diplomatic tool according to the political calculation method aimed at national strength. North Korea sought to lift sanctions against North Korea by promoting inter-Korean sports exchanges through the Moon Jae In regime and leading to the participation in the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics and the inter-Korean and North-US summits, but the plan collapsed due to the collapse of the U.S.-North Korea talks in Hanoi in 2019. Since then, North Korea has declared a "front-to-face breakthrough" and severed ties with liberal democracies, changing the direction of solidarity with self-reliance and socialist countries. In other words, physical education during this period was used for the political purpose of "all-round diplomacy such as the U.S. and South Korea," and as the independent ruling ideology of the Kim Jong-un era such as "Science and Technology First, Self-Strong First," and "Our National First" became solid, the "Women's Sports Construction Line," which escaped from the shadow of its predecessor, was further strengthened.
Third, the third period (2021-2024) was a time when sports discourse was reorganized to strengthen the "identity of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea" and take charge of "campaign diplomacy" centered on socialist countries, as the "National First Age" became official starting with the 8th Party Congress in 2021. With participation in international sports competitions restricted due to COVID-19 and IOC sanctions, North Korea pursued projects to strengthen its performance through sports policy and sports science, with the goal of "entering a grand array of advanced sports countries." In particular, as the idolization of Kim Jong-un, the "two hostile state theories" in inter-Korean relations, and the advocacy of capitalism and socialism began in earnest, sports were utilized as a political resource to promote the "leadership of the leader Kim Jong-un" and the "Democratic People's Republic of Korea as an individual country" through international sports achievements. At the same time, it played a role in establishing an external environment for the "anti-Japanese joint struggle" by strengthening solidarity with socialist countries.
Finally, depending on the analysis results, suggestions can be made at the academic level for follow-up research and at the practical level for policy design. First, three discussions are possible at the academic level. First, when inter-Korean sports exchanges resume in the future, research on North Korean sports during the Kim Jong-un era should be continued so that it can be used as basic data for more realistic and strategic policy design. Second, it is suggested that future inter-Korean sports research needs to break away from the existing research practices that presuppose the possibility of exchanges with the North Korean regime and deal with sports as an independent analysis object rather than a subordinate object in inter-Korean relations. Third, future inter-Korean sports research should expand the perspective of social integration through sports of North Korean defectors settled in and living in South Korean society. This approach will contribute to the expansion of physical education into an independent research area that prepares for 'unified Korea' after unification, rather than remaining in existing research centered on sports exchanges or sports talks that are subordinate to the inter-Korean regime relations. Next, in the changing security environment on the Korean Peninsula, the South Korean political community suggests that when promoting inter-Korean sports exchanges, it is necessary to approach them from the perspective of practical diplomacy according to a strategic calculation method that meets the national interest in a stable security environment based on the South Korean-US alliance.