This study examines how the same urban spaces in Seoul were repeatedly reconfigured over the past two decades under the successive mayoral administrations of Oh Se-hoon, Park Won-soon, and Oh Se-hoon, whose political orientations differ markedly. Focu...
This study examines how the same urban spaces in Seoul were repeatedly reconfigured over the past two decades under the successive mayoral administrations of Oh Se-hoon, Park Won-soon, and Oh Se-hoon, whose political orientations differ markedly. Focusing on this phenomenon, the study analyzes the operative mechanisms through the lens of the political assetization of urban space.
In this study, the “political assetization of urban space” is defined as the process by which a popularly elected mayor, as the leader of the city, transforms urban space into a political asset that accumulates their ideology, vision, and leadership. This transformation occurs through the mobilization of institutional instruments and available resources derived from the powers and authorities of the office, thereby generating political exchange value. Accordingly, this research investigates how two mayors, each holding planning, executive, and communicative power, utilized various resources and policy tools to politically assetize urban space through envisioned, implemented, and symbolic spaces. The Sewoon Plaza and Nodeul Island—both designated as major policy project sites by the two administrations—are examined as case studies. The findings are as follows.
At the level of envisioned space, each mayor produced planning visions that projected their ideological orientations onto urban space, justified in the name of fulfilling campaign pledges and enabled by legally and institutionally granted planning authority. In the case of Sewoon Plaza, Mayor Oh defined the area as a deteriorated inner city district and pursued a green corridor through demolition, employing redevelopment promotion plans and incentive-based strategies to induce private land development aligned with his envisioned space. In contrast, Mayor Park sought to reconstruct Sewoon Plaza as an innovation hub for urban creative manufacturing industries grounded in its historical and industrial placeness, adopting a strategy that internalized residents as agents of envisioned space by encouraging tenant participation in policy processes.
On Nodeul Island, where the Seoul Metropolitan Government faced relatively fewer ownership constraints, unprecedented project delivery methods were introduced to establish optimal conditions for envisioned space. Mayor Park envisioned a user-centered cultural complex and implemented a “operator-first, design-later” approach, determining operational strategies and use orientations prior to architectural design in order to embody a conception that prioritized user-centered space operation. Conversely, Mayor Oh envisioned a landmark on the Han River to enhance global competitiveness and adopted a “design-first, project-plan-later” approach, advancing design without clearly predefined planning conditions and thereby producing an image-oriented envisioned space grounded in architectural interpretation and creativity.
At the level of implemented space, this study analyzes how politically imbued spaces were physically realized through executive power, extending to mechanisms of operation and management. Executive power guided the production of implemented space through decisions regarding competition formats, the formulation of architectural competition guidelines, operational models, and the selection of managing entities. In sites with complex stakeholder relations, such as Sewoon Plaza, both administrations strategically prioritized areas with relatively simple ownership structures to enhance project feasibility. However, their implementation approaches diverged significantly.
Mayor Park emphasized flexibility in physical space while ensuring that the identity of both Sewoon Plaza and Nodeul Island was consistently realized in line with intended values. This was achieved through intermediary support organizations and private operators, who applied criteria-based tenant selection and designed citizen participation–oriented programs. Although this approach reflected a strategy attentive to spatial flexibility and civic engagement, the relative lack of structural fixity in the physical environment paradoxically provided a basis for Mayor Oh’s later administration to retain the spatial framework while readily transforming its identity and programming. Mayor Oh, by contrast, materialized physical space centered on visual identity and formal expression and, particularly on Nodeul Island, secured operational control through the internalization of management, restructuring the space toward a venue-rental-oriented operational model.
At the level of symbolic space, both mayors used communicative power to stage urban space as a platform for projecting political visions. Mayor Oh visited benchmark global cities and publicly presented Seoul’s urban vision against the backdrop of their iconic spaces, while inviting associated architects to international design competitions to embody the symbolism of a global cultural city. Mayor Park, meanwhile, activated Sewoon Plaza through international events, large-scale festivals, exhibitions, and experiential civic programs, concentrating symbolic production within specific periods in order to accumulate lived experiences that redefined the area as an innovation base for creative manufacturing.
Both administrations also employed policy strategies to dismantle the symbolic spaces of their predecessors. Mayor Oh continuously circulated media representations of Sewoon Plaza as a deteriorated urban area and reduced budgets and management support for regeneration projects, thereby accumulating justification for the demolition of spaces associated with the previous Park administration. Conversely, the Park administration annulled the Han River Art Island project initiated under Mayor Oh and reframed the ecological controversy surrounding the habitat of the endangered narrow-mouthed toad on Nodeul Island by transforming it into an urban garden known as the “Toad Field,” emphasizing ecological values while deconstructing the previous top-down development paradigm through pilot civic programs.
By tracing how the same locations were transformed through divergent political conceptions, implementation strategies, and symbolic productions, this study reveals the concrete mechanisms through which urban space, intertwined with power, is constituted as a political asset. Furthermore, it critically argues that repeated political attempts to replan and replace urban space function as structural mechanisms that inhibit the reconstitution of urban space as social space. Academically, this study contributes a novel analytical concept—the political assetization of urban space—and systematically demonstrates its mechanisms. Practically, it provides a critical lens on the recurring patterns of policy change following political turnover, offering an opportunity to reflect on the political practices embedded in the production of urban space.