국가재정의 원천과 귀결이 국민이라는 점에서 재정운용에는 국민주권, 권력분립, 법치주의가 관철되어야 한다. 재정을 집행하는 것은 정부이되, 재정의 통제는 전통적으로 의회의 기능이며...

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국가재정의 원천과 귀결이 국민이라는 점에서 재정운용에는 국민주권, 권력분립, 법치주의가 관철되어야 한다. 재정을 집행하는 것은 정부이되, 재정의 통제는 전통적으로 의회의 기능이며...
국가재정의 원천과 귀결이 국민이라는 점에서 재정운용에는 국민주권, 권력분립, 법치주의가 관철되어야 한다. 재정을 집행하는 것은 정부이되, 재정의 통제는 전통적으로 의회의 기능이며, 혁명과 전쟁 등 대규모 사회변동 속에서 각국의 재정원칙이 형성되어 왔다는 역사적 사실은 불확실성이 커질수록 재정통제의 규범적 중요성이 증대함을 시사한다. 그럼에도 한국의 결산제도는 독립된 최고감사기구 부재, 요식화된 국회 결산심사, 결산 시정요구의 예산 환류 미흡으로 인해 재정통제의 실질적 효과가 제한적이라는 비판에 직면해 있다.
이러한 상황에서 바람직한 재정통제 방안을 모색하고자 재정의 역사적 전개 과정에 대한 연구를 실시하여 의회에 의한 재정통제가 근대 입헌주의의 출발점이었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 우리나라도 예외는 아니어서 1919년 대한민국임시정부 임시헌법에서 조세법률주의, 예산승인권, 독립적 회계검사와 결산승인 절차를 규정하였고 이후에도 재정민주주의 원칙을 일관되게 표방하였다. 해방 이후 제헌헌법은 ‘재정’에 관한 독립된 장을 두고 심계원에 의한 회계검사와 결산제출을 명시하여 입법부 중심의 재정입헌주의를 확립하였으나, 5·16군사정변 이후 헌법에서 재정에 관한 실체적 내용이 사라지고 재정 관련 조항들이 분산되었으며 심계원 대신 대통령 소속 감사원이 신설되어 회계검사와 직무감찰이 결합됨으로써 재정통제의 중심축이 국회에서 행정부로 이동하였다. 재정통제권의 행정부 중심중심성은 유신헌법에서 더욱 심화되었으며 그 내용은 현행헌법에서도 대부분 잔존하고 있다,
해외 사례를 보면 미국은 결산 승인 절차가 없으나 세출승인조항을 기초로 의회가 상시적 환류체계를 운영하며, 의회 소속 GAO가 성과감사와 정책평가까지 수행한다. 영국은 NAO―하원 결산위원회―정부의 재무부 각서―이행점검으로 이어지는 순환형 책임체계를 통해 결산심사를 실시간 통제에 가깝게 작동시킨다. 독일은 결산을 ‘정부책임의 면제’로 규정하고, 연방회계감사원의 준사법적 독립성과 직접 보고, 헌법적 재정준칙 및 연방헌법재판소의 사법적 통제 가능성을 결합하여 민주적 책임성과 건전성을 동시에 확보한다. 프랑스는 재정조직법과 2008년 개헌으로 회계법원의 의회 지원을 강화하되, 의원발의의 재정영향을 강하게 제한하고 정부 집행력을 보장하는 장치를 두고 있다. 일본은 예산비법률주의를 채택하면서도 예산위원회와 결산위원회를 분리·전문화하며, 참의원 주도 결산개혁을 통해 국회의 검사요구권과 회계검사원의 수시보고 기능을 제도화하였다.
이상의 분석을 바탕으로 국회의 결산심사 실효화를 위한 헌법·법률·국회운영 차원의 개선안을 제시하였다. 첫째, 결산심사의 시기와 기간을 앞당기고 국정감사와의 연계를 통해 예산 환류의 적시성을 확보한다. 둘째, 예산결산특별위원회의 상임위화 및 임기 연장, 나아가 예산위원회와 결산위원회의 분리를 통해 전문성과 책임성을 강화한다. 셋째, 재정총량심사제 도입과 결산결과의 예산안 환류를 제도화하여 국회가 거시 재정정책 설계에 참여하도록 한다. 넷째, 예산·결산·성과보고에 사용되는 재정지출 분류체계의 ‘결맞춤’을 의무화하여 국민의 알권리와 함께 입법부와 행정부의 정보비대칭 해소를 도모한다. 다섯째, 결산보고서에 대한 국회 ‘승인’ 절차를 법률로 명시하고 세계잉여금 처분 등과 연동하여 결산승인의 실질적 효력을 강화한다. 여섯째, 헌법에 국회의 결산심사권 명문화, 재정건전성 근거조항 신설, 예비비·추가경정예산의 실체적 요건 명시 등 개헌을 통해 재정민주주의를 강화할 필요가 있음을 논증한다.
결산심사는 재정민주주의의 최종 관문이며, 국가재정의 합리성과 지속가능성을 담보하는 헌법적 통제 메커니즘이다. 본 논문은 법제사적 연구와 비교법적 검토를 통해 결산통제의 규범적 기초를 재구성하고, 국회의 결산심사를 실질화하기 위한 제도개선 방향을 제시함으로써, 재정위기 위험이 증대하는 시대에 국민의 신뢰를 회복하고 입법부와 행정부 사이의 건강한 견제와 균형을 확립하는 데 기여하고자 한다.
다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)
Abstract A Study on Constitutional Mechanisms for Controlling National Finance — Focusing on Parliamentary Review of Final Accounts — Keywords : National Finance, Budget, Final Accounts, Fiscal Constitution, Fiscal Sustainability, Budget-as-Law ...
Abstract
A Study on Constitutional Mechanisms
for Controlling National Finance
— Focusing on Parliamentary Review of Final Accounts —
Keywords : National Finance, Budget, Final Accounts, Fiscal Constitution, Fiscal Sustainability, Budget-as-Law Principle, Board of Audit, Fiscal Democracy
Student ID : 2022-27008
Public finance, which originates from the people and ultimately returns to them, must be governed in a manner that embodies popular sovereignty, the separation of powers, and the rule of law. While the budget execution power belongs to the executive, fiscal control has traditionally belonged to the legislature. The historical fact that many countries’ fiscal principles were forged amid major social upheavals—such as revolutions and wars—suggests that the normative importance of fiscal control grows as uncertainty deepens. Nonetheless, Korea’s settlement-of-accounts (final accounts) regime has been criticized for its limited effectiveness, due to the absence of an independent supreme audit institution(SAI), the ritualization of parliamentary review of final accounts, and the weak feedback of corrective demands into subsequent budgeting.
A historical examination of fiscal institutions is conducted to find out a desirable model of fiscal control, revealing that legislative control over public finance formed a foundational element of modern constitutionalism. Korea was no exception: the 1919 Provisional Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea provided for legality of taxation, legislative approval of the budget, independent accounting inspection, and approval of final accounts, consistently embracing the principle of fiscal democracy. After Korena liberation from Japan, the 1948 Constitution established a separate chapter on “Finance” and institutionalized legislative-centered fiscal constitutionalism by prescribing accounting inspection by the Board of Audit and the submission of final accounts. However, following the 5·16 military coup, substantive constitutional provisions on fiscal governance diminished and fiscal clauses became dispersed; the Board of Audit was replaced by a presidentially affiliated Board of Audit and Inspection that combined accounting audit with administrative inspection, shifting the center of fiscal control from the National Assembly to the executive. This executive-centered orientation was further entrenched under the 1972 Yushin Constitution, and much of its fiscal structure persists in the current Constitution.
Korea’s fiscal cycle can be divided into the budget phase (formulation→parliamentary deliberation and approval→execution) and the settlement phase (preparation of final accounts report by the government→audit by the Board of Audit and Inspection→parliamentary review). Under the current system, final accounts are often confirmed long after budget execution ends, leading to formalistic review and delayed feedback into the next budget. Information on final accounts is concentrated in the Ministry of Economy and Finance and the presidentially affiliated the Board of Audit and Inspeciton, perpetuating information asymmetry against the legislature. Performance-oriented settlement instruments likewise fail to connect with budget adjustment due to inadequate goal-setting, analytical methods, and feedback mechanisms. Although the Constitution provides for submission of final accounts to the National Assembly, it does not explicitly constitutionalize an “approval” procedure, leaving the legal status and effectiveness of ex post legislative control contested. Moreover, while Article 57 of the Constitution requires government consent for parliamentary increases of expenditure items—implying an unlimited parliamentary power to cut expenditures—Korea’s budget-not-as-law framework denies the President a veto over the budget, and since Korea adopts a presidential system, the confidence mechanism under parliamentary system is also absent. As a result, under severe partisan confrontation, institutional exit options are entirely blocked.
Comparative analysis provides several implications. In the United States, there is no formal parliamentary approval of final accounts, but Congress maintains an ongoing feedback system grounded in the Appropriations Clause; the Government Accountability Office(GAO), institutionally affiliated with Congress, conducts performance audits and policy evaluation. The United Kingdom operates a cyclical accountability chain—NAO audit and reporting, scrutiny by the House of Commons Public Accounts Committee, governmental responses through Treasury Minutes, and follow-up monitoring —making final accounts control function akin to real time oversight. Germany constitutionalizes the settlement function as “discharge of the federal government” combining parliamentary political accountability, the quasi-judicial independence and direct reporting of the Federal Court of Auditors, and constitutional fiscal rules that enable even judicial fiscal control by the Bundesverfassungsgericht. France strengthens parliamentary oversight through the organic budget law and the 2008 constitutional reform that reinforces the Cour des comptes’ support for Parliament, while simultaneously restricting fiscally consequential parliamentary initiatives and ensuring executive budgetary capacity. Japan, despite adopting a budget-not-as-law model, separates and professionalizes its budget and final-accounts committees; reforms led by the House of Councillors institutionalized parliamentary requests for specific audits and enabled the Board of Audit to make ad hoc reports, thereby enhancing ex post control.
Based on these findings, institutional reforms at the constitutional, statutory, and parliamentary levels are proposed to enhance the effectiveness of Korea’s final-accounts review.
First, the study recommends advancing the timing and extending the duration of final-accounts deliberation, and linking it with the annual audit of state administration to ensure timely feedback into the budgetary process.
Second, transforming the Special Committee on Budget and Accounts into a standing committee with an extended term, along with separating the Budget Committee from the Final Accounts Committee, is proposed to strengthen expertise and accountability.
Third, the establishment of a fiscal-aggregate review system, together with the formal integration of settlement outcomes into subsequent budget deliberations, is proposed to enhance the National Assembly’s role in macro-fiscal policy design.
Fourth, the institutionalization of mandatory alignment among expenditure classifications across the budget, final accounts, and performance reports is proposed to strengthen the public’s right to know and mitigate information asymmetry between the legislature and the executive.
Fifth, the explicit statutory stipulation of a parliamentary “approval” procedure for final accounts, together with its linkage to the disposition of surplus funds, is proposed to strengthen the practical effect of settlement approval.
Sixth, constitutional reform is proposed to reinforce fiscal democracy by expressly constitutionalizing the National Assembly’s authority over final accounts, providing a constitutional basis for fiscal sustainability, and specifying substantive requirements for reserve funds and supplementary budgets.
Parliamentary scrutiny of final-accounts is the last institutional gatekeeper of fiscal democracy and a constitutional control mechanism that safeguards the rationality and sustainability of national finance. Through legal-historical research and comparative constitutional analysis, this study reconstructs the normative foundations of settlement control and presents concrete directions for institutional reform. These reforms are intended to contribute to restoring public trust and to establishing a healthy system of checks and balances between the legislature and the executive in an era of heightened fiscal risk.
목차 (Table of Contents)