South Korea occupies a pivotal strategic position in East Asian geopolitics, and the evolution of its China policy reflects the process by which a relatively weak state—in terms of material capability—seeks to exercise influence by managing its re...
South Korea occupies a pivotal strategic position in East Asian geopolitics, and the evolution of its China policy reflects the process by which a relatively weak state—in terms of material capability—seeks to exercise influence by managing its relationships with major powers. Since 2003, as Korea–China economic interdependence deepened and the Northeast Asian security environment grew increasingly volatile, Seoul’s policy adjustments toward Beijing have expanded significantly in scope, shaping both the regional balance of power and the trajectory of bilateral relations. Explaining the frequent fluctuations in Korea’s China policy and uncovering the underlying power logic have therefore become essential to understanding the dynamics of its diplomatic adjustment. Taking Korea’s China policy from 2003 to 2024 as its core research subject, this study seeks to reveal how South Korea, as a state with relatively limited agential and structural power resources, has—amid intensified U.S.–China strategic competition, the prolonged stalemate of the North Korean nuclear issue, and the reorganization of regional order—accumulated relational power resources and exercised influence through mechanism selection and relational management, thereby achieving positional transformation from a power recipient to a power wielder within an asymmetric bilateral structure.
To this end, the study adopts Chinese scholar Qin Yaqing’s Relational Theory of World Politics as its theoretical foundation, taking relational power as the central analytical concept. It constructs an analytical framework composed of four core elements—relational context, power mechanisms, intimacy and importance, and the reproduction of relational power. Relational Theory posits that power resources originate from intersubjective interaction: relation is power, and power is relation. State actors can thus accumulate and utilize power resources by managing their relationships and the platforms of interaction themselves. Based on this perspective, the dissertation explores three key research questions: How does the relational context shape Korea’s policy space and its selection of power mechanisms toward China? How does Korea adjust the intimacy and importance of its relations with China to accumulate relational power and exert influence? How do the interactive effects among power mechanisms, intimacy, and importance influence the reproduction and redistribution of relational power between Korea and China?
Methodologically, the study combines qualitative approaches in international relations with text-analytical methods drawn from linguistics. It conducts a discourse analysis of the presidential speeches delivered by five Korean administrations from 2003 to 2024. Using sentiment analysis based on an expanded emotion dictionary, LDA topic modeling, and lexical co-occurrence network analysis, the study quantifies and visualizes the emotional orientations, thematic structures, and lexical relationships within Korea’s political discourse. These findings are then cross-validated through official Korean and Chinese policy documents and relevant historical events, enabling the abstract concept of relational power to acquire observable and comparable empirical meaning.
The research findings can be summarized in three major points. First, Korea’s choice of power mechanisms is constrained by its relational context, particularly the dynamics among the China–North Korea, U.S.–China, and U.S.–North Korea relationships. Over time, Korea has alternated among four types of mechanisms: the emotion-based favor mechanism, the institutionalized favor mechanism, the restorative favor mechanism, and the power borrowing mechanism. When relational power between China and North Korea is actively reproduced and both U.S.–China and U.S.–North Korea relations preserve limited cooperation, Seoul tends to employ the favor mechanism to engage China in mutually beneficial power exchanges. Conversely, when U.S.–China competition becomes exclusive and U.S.–North Korea confrontation deepens, Korea shifts toward the power borrowing mechanism, relying on the Korea–U.S. alliance to exert indirect influence on China. Second, successive Korean administrations have managed intimacy and importance dynamically through relational identity construction and relational circle restructuring. Korea’s ability to exert influence has stemmed less from the growth of material capability or institutional leverage than from its agency in managing relationships. Third, the joint management of intimacy, importance, and power mechanisms determines the speed and scope of relational power production. When intimacy and importance rise in a coordinated manner, the favor mechanism operates sustainably, generating positive accumulation of relational power. When the two become misaligned, relational power production slows or even reverses. Although power borrowing can temporarily enhance power resources and influence, it relies on external sources of power and therefore lacks long-term stability and policy autonomy.
The contributions of this research can be summarized in three dimensions—theoretical, methodological, and practical. Theoretically, by centering on relational power, the study provides a new lens for explaining how weaker states exert influence within structures dominated by great-power competition, enriching the “relational turn” in international relations scholarship. Methodologically, it integrates IR theory with linguistic text analysis, proposing a quantifiable research path for relational variables such as intimacy, importance, and power mechanisms. Practically, the study offers valuable insights for the diplomatic behavior of Korea, China, and other states. Overall, through a systematic analysis of Korea’s adjustments in its China policy, the dissertation reveals the logic of relationality through which a weaker state can accumulate relational power and exercise influence—achieving positional transformation from power recipient to power wielder—and provides an empirically grounded, methodologically innovative case study for advancing relational theorizing in international relations.