The purpose of this study is to explore the relocation process experienced by elderly residents of retirement community. Specifically, it sought to understand the experiences of relocated seniors, from their initial background for moving into retireme...
The purpose of this study is to explore the relocation process experienced by elderly residents of retirement community. Specifically, it sought to understand the experiences of relocated seniors, from their initial background for moving into retirement community, through the factors influencing their relocation decision, their preparation for and execution of relocation, to their subsequent choice of residence and resettlement. To this end, 18 participants who had experienced relocation from retirement community at least once were selected for in-depth interviews. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis as proposed by Braun and Clarke(2006). The results yielded a total of 7 main themes, 22 subthemes, 57 categories, and 147 codes, as follows.
First, ‘Choices for the Desired Life’ represents decisions driven by the aspiration to proactively design one's later years. Participants proactively chose to move into retirement community to pursue a comfortable retirement life, securing autonomy and convenience in daily life based on economic independence. These decisions were made within relationships and contexts marked by intersecting support and concerns from family and acquaintances, alongside recognition and stigma. This manifested as ‘desire for a free old age’, ‘mixed views from family and acquaintances’, and ‘a realistic choice made after weighing information and costs’.
Second, ‘unfavorable retirement community’ represents the experience where cracks emerge as the gap between expectations and reality accumulates in daily life after moving in. Participants' satisfaction weakened as the combination of limited daily conveniences, residential environment constraints, schedule-imposed restrictions, and financial burdens took effect. This manifested as ‘limitations in daily convenience services’, ‘limitations in the residential environment’, ‘a life confined within rigid structures’, and ‘economic burdens’.
Third, ‘doubts about management and operational policies’ represent issues related to the ‘operation of retirement community’. Participants pointed out unfair hiring and personnel practices, unclear management expense execution details, declining service quality due to frequent staff turnover, and services differing from initial contract promises. They perceived the lack of reflected improvements as an infringement on autonomy. This primarily manifested as ‘distrust in management’. Questions about the transparency and fairness of operations reinterpreted everyday problems not as ‘adjustable inconveniences’ but as ‘structural issues’, accumulating distrust in management.
Fourth, ‘noisy interpersonal relationships’ represent the ‘not entirely comfortable’ relationships among residents in communal living. Social status and educational background carried over into the residence, forming hierarchies and cliques. Residents experienced various relational conflicts, such as disputes over shared space usage and jealousy stemming from relationships. Consequently, communal relationships were experienced less as a resource for support and more as an environment accompanied by conflict, fatigue, reputation management, and boundary-keeping. The quality of these relationships directly influenced assessments of residential suitability. Ultimately, participants concluded that the life they envisioned was impossible, existing instead under control and constant vigilance rather than freedom. This manifested as recurring conflicts among residents, a culture of stonewalling, loneliness in a crowd, and self-protective relationship-building.
Fifth, ‘The Limit of Patience, a Signal to Leave’ indicates that participants' psychological stress has reached an ‘unbearable level’. Stress from accumulated discomfort surpassed a critical point, and combined with personally changed circumstances or needs and adult children's intervention, led to the judgment that ‘it was no longer possible to stay.’ This manifested as unbearable hardship, changed circumstances and needs after moving in, and adult children urging/forcing relocation.
Sixth, ‘Preparing to Leave, Quiet Execution’ signifies quietly preparing to depart without informing neighbors or management until the very end after deciding to leave. Relocation was characterized by quiet preparation and swift execution to avoid unnecessary interference or conflict. The preparation process involved emotional buffering, adult children's involvement, and intertwined costs and procedural conditions. During the relocation process, the management agency's procedures progressed relatively swiftly. While issues related to penalty fees or security deposit refunds arose, most participants willingly accepted some economic loss to assert their position. This manifested as quiet exit planning, time spent holding out and packing, conflicting adult children's involvement, and the perception that relocation was ‘easy’ if one had the money.
Seventh, the concept of 'an affordable house to live independently' represents participants' experience of reconstructing their journey to find ‘a place that suits me’. This ‘right place’ was not experienced as a final settlement for all participants. For some, it was an opportunity to regain autonomy in life planning or relationship choices, while for others, it was a place where discomfort arose due to lack of services or simply feeling ‘unsuitable’. Participants either chose to settle permanently after assessing the suitability of each living environment, or considered their current residence a temporary settlement(temporary stay) while contemplating another journey. That is, after relocation, participants reorganized their search for ‘a place that fits me’ in a new residence. For them, the ‘right place’ was not a perfect home, but one where, despite lingering inconveniences and constraints, they judged they could manage daily life to suit themselves and handle relationships, costs, health, and childcare burdens independently. This manifested as a place they could endure despite discomfort, a shift in the criteria for what constituted the ‘right place’, a final place to live, and their own choice.
This study is meaningful in that by exploring the experiences of seniors relocated from retirement community. It reveals under what conditions such housing is judged a ‘Right Place’ or reevaluated as no longer ‘suitable,’ and clarifies how relocations occurred. In conclusion, the ‘place that suits me’ in old age was a place where they felt relieved that ‘this house would be okay, though,’ even if they lived in their own rhythm and thought of their worries about people, money, health, and adult children at once. These insights from the participants' perspective offer a framework for understanding elderly housing not as a ‘one-time home choice’ but as a process of ongoing assessment and adjustment based on changing circumstances. They can serve as foundational data for designing the ‘right place’ in future elderly housing welfare policies and private elderly housing supply.